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Battle Scene from the Heroon of Trysa

Battle Scene from the Heroon of Trysa



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Bryn Mawr Classical Review

This book is a general introduction to the use of myth as the subject of Greek architectural sculpture during the fifth and fourth centuries BCE. It consists of chronologically arranged case studies about four monuments in Mainland Greece and one in Asia Minor: the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, the Parthenon, the Hephaisteion in the Athenian Agora, the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the Heroon at Trysa. In each case, a presentation of the building and its topographical context is followed by a systematic description and iconographic analysis of its sculptural decoration. This approach leads to an iconological interpretation of the sculptures in relation to the original cultural, political, and social context of the building. It thus follows the model set by Heiner Knell in his 1990 important monograph on Greek architectural sculpture. 1

In the Introduction (pp. 1-7) Barringer lays out the premises and objectives of her book. Her first premise is that the myths chosen for architectural sculpture were not randomly selected and that, rather than having a purely decorative function, they had meaning. Her second premise is that meaning, and consequently the interpretation of a given myth, depend on context. Both premises have guided the interpretation of Greek architectural sculpture over the past two decades and, from a methodological point of view are clearly sound. On this basis, Barringer explores how ancient viewers might have interpreted these mythological representations in their original cultural context.

Chapter 1 (pp. 8-58) views the sculptural decoration of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia in relation to the agonistic contexts of this Panhellenic sanctuary. Barringer explores the question of how the athletes who came to compete at the Olympic games were meant to understand the decoration of this building. Arguing against previous interpretations of the sculptures as an admonition against hubris, as a general vision of justice imposed by the gods, and as negative paradigms to the athletic competitors, Barringer suggests that the sculptures of the temple of Zeus instead offered "positive models of heroism, arete, and glory expressly aimed at the Olympic competitors, who were urged to emulate these examples in various areas of their lives" (pp. 18-20). According to Barringer, it was Nike, not dike, that was more prominent in the message of the sculptural decoration of the temple, and in the mind of the Eleans who commissioned the building (cf. p. 46). The metopes depicting the labors of Herakles accord well with this interpretation, as does the Centauromachy, although in this last case the behavior of the half-beasts must have also served as a negative, mythological exemplum for the athletes. In the case of the chariot race between Pelops and Oinomaos, this interpretation only works if, like Barringer, one excludes the possibility that this pediment featured the version of the myth in which Pelops cheated by bribing Oinomaos' charioteer. This is an issue that cannot be resolved with the evidence at hand , Barringer's main argument for discounting this version -- that it "is implausible that the Eleans would have celebrated their hero and founder of the games, Pelops, with sculptures that depicted him as a cheat" (p. 35)-- is, however, not particularly sound. To quote from a memorable discussion of Greek heroes by Angelo Brelich, 2 "l'inganno è caratteristico di tutta la vita eroica" (p. 255). One may mention as an example heroes who were famous for their cunning, like Sisyphos and Tantalos, and still received heroic worship in their hometowns. As for Barringer's central argument, one can only agree with her idea that the sculptures of the Temple of Zeus were particularly meaningful to athletes, and that in the imagery of this building one can find several elements that resonate with the athletic games. Both ideas are found frequently in previous literature (in Ashmole and Tersini, for example). But limiting the intended public of the sculptures of the Temple of Zeus to athletes is dangerously reductive, because one runs the risk of losing sight of the very Panhellenic nature of the Sanctuary at Olympia and its games, which attracted a large, varied crowd from all over the Greek world. In addition, one should not forget that the Olympic competitions were part of a cult festival. A contextual interpretation of the sculptures of the temple of Zeus in relation to the local ritual should have this cult festival as its background, rather than just the athletic games and the athletes.

Central to Chapter 2 (pp. 59-108) is the discussion of the sculptural decoration of the Parthenon, in which Barringer devotes particular attention to the role of women. Barringer focuses her analysis on the special links between the myths chosen for the decoration of the building and the myths and rituals of the Akropolis. Here the author's main argument is that the representations of women on the Parthenon and other fifth-century monuments reveal much about the contemporary Athenian male view concerning women. This view was a dual one, that regarded women both as necessary to the survival of the city and capable of bringing disaster to their families and community if their seemingly irrational nature and sexuality were not kept in check. Thus, for Barringer--who argues against the traditional reading of the sculptures as visual metaphors for recent historical events, such as the Persian Wars--the Amazons on the west metopes offer the negative example of powerful and independent females who invade the heart of the patriarchal city and threaten its male populace. The androgynous female deity Athena triumphs on the west pediment over her male antagonist, Poseidon. On the east metopes, the same goddess is celebrated for her role in the defeat of the Giants by the Olympian gods. On the south metopes, the Lapith women embody female vulnerability and modesty. Finally, on the north metopes, the Ilioupersis presents the destruction and chaos wrought by the power of Helen. For Barringer, this emphasis on women could also reflect the concern of the Athenian state for legitimate citizenship and the family, the role of Athenian women, and the significance and benefits of Athenian marriage. Barringer extends this interpretation of the Parthenon sculptures to other fifth-century monuments on the Akropolis, such as the Erechtheion caryatids and the Prokne and Itys by Alkamenes. The author's exploration of the Parthenon sculptures as a reflection of male views of women in contemporary Athenian society is persuasive and valuable. Yet the relation between the genders and the status of women were important subjects of Greek temple decoration well before the Parthenon: I need only mention, for the Archaic period, the first temple of Hera at Foce del Sele (not a treasury, as this building is still incorrectly referred to by Barringer at p. 189), and, for the Early Classical period, the metopes of the Heraion at Selinous. This insistence on gender relations and on the status of women, on public images that were meant to educate the polis, therefore does not come as a surprise. In the case of the Parthenon, however, this theme was only one of the multiple layers of meaning of the complex and sophisticated imagery of this building, and to turn it into the key to its interpretation would quickly lead to problems. I need mention only the east metopes, which are first and foremost celebrations of victory in war, like the Gigantomachy on the pediment of the Treasury of the Megarians at Olympia decades before. Finally given Barringer's contextual approach and her interest in the relationship between images and ritual, I am surprised that she does not include the figural decoration of the temple of Athena Nike and its precinct in her discussion of the fifth-century Akropolis.

Chapter 3 (pp. 109-143) is dedicated to the sculptural decoration of the Hephaisteion. In keeping with a line of interpretation that can be found in previous literature on this building (e.g., Thompson and Knell), Barringer explores the potential meaning of its sculptural adornment in relation to both the other monuments of the west side of the Agora and the various activities that took place in the civic center of Athens. Barringer focuses her attention on the friezes (for the east frieze she suggests that it might feature the battle of Atlantis (Plato Timaeus 24e-25d) and the metopes (which feature the labors of Herakles and Theseus). Barringer's conclusion is that the Hephaisteion's sculptural themes resonated with monuments such as the Stoa Basileios and the Stoa Poikile, and offered models of heroic behavior to Athenian citizens, particularly young men, who would have been the primary intended public for the images. This suggestion is certainly appropriate in the case of Theseus, the founder of the Athenian state and the model ephebe. Unfortunately, we know too little about the decoration of the pediments (not to mention the akroteria) of the Hephaisteion to propose a comprehensive interpretation of its sculptural "program." One last note: Barringer suggests that the association of Theseus with Herakles in the Hephaisteion would represent "the Greek ideal, the joining of brains, in the form of Theseus, and brawn, represented by the athletic Herakles (pp. 121-122 cf. also 128). This is certainly not what one sees on the metopes , given that their emphasis is on Theseus' physical strength, which is paralleled visually to that of Herakles. It may be added that in the representation of Herakles on the east side, particular emphasis is given to the labor of the Golden Apples featured on the last metope (East X) of the series, near the north corner. It seems to show the hero-god who has successfully deceived Atlas (according to the version of this myth by Pherekydes) and is now proudly presenting the apples of the Hesperides to Athena. The labor of the Golden Apples is not only about brawn, but also about brains and the cunning of Herakles at the expense of Atlas.

Chapter 4 (pp. 144-170) is dedicated to the pediments of the fourth-century temple of Apollo at Delphi. The east pediment featured Apollo together with Artemis, Leto, and the Muses, and the west pediment featured Dionysos in the company of the Thyiades. Barringer observes that the two gables are remarkable in two respects. The combination of their subjects is radically new in Greek sculpture. At the same time, however, their composition looks strikingly old-fashioned for the fourth century. Barringer explains this peculiarity as a deliberate effort to echo the east pediment of the Late Archaic temple of Apollo, which was directly sponsored by the Athenian family of the Alkmeonids. According to Barringer, this effort was in turn part of an Athenian strategy to stress both its well-established, special relationship with Delphi and also its leadership in the Greek world, vis-à-vis the Macedonians. Athens had a say in the Amphictyony during the course of the fourth century, and--as pointed out by Croissant--with the precedent of the Alkmeonids, Athens could easily have had a say on the sculptural decoration of the temple. In fact, the commission was given to Athenian sculptors. Granted that the paratactic composition of the two pediments of the fourth-century temple of Apollo seems unconventional by contemporary standards (although we know little about the figural decoration of many temples built during this century), I am not convinced by Barringer's suggestion that it was meant to quote the east pediment of its Late Archaic predecessor. In such a case, one would have expected the repetition of its central image: the epiphany of the god on a quadriga. Based on present knowledge, the composition of the fourth-century pediments of the temple of Apollo at Delphi remains without precedents. The possibility that the sculptures were carved in Athens and transported to Delphi may account for their paratactic character.

Chapter 5 (pp. 171-202) focuses on the fourth-century Heroon at Gjölbaschi-Trysa, and analyzes the rich imagery of the doorways and friezes of its peribolos wall. The identification of many of the scenes on the friezes is notoriously difficult. Moreover, there is a total absence of written documentation that could help to interpret the monument. Basing her interpretation on comparative evidence, Barringer draws a parallel between the Heroon at Trysa and the Throne of Apollo at Amyklai, which she proposes may have served as a model, in particular for the idea of a funerary monument decorated with a vast array of mythological scenes. Barringer concludes her analysis of the individual mythological themes, suggesting that monuments in Athens--in particular the Theseion--had an influence on the decoration of the heroon. In the decoration of the latter there are also elements of Lycian and Near Eastern derivation, including the blending of mythological and non-mythological themes. This association is seen by Barringer as part of a strategy of heroization of the deceased ruler through visual metaphor and juxtaposition. The final message of the Heroon was that the Lycian ruler had significant achievements, just as the heroes of Greek myth did. This is all very convincing. A similar line of interpretation of the imagery of the Heroon, and similar conclusions are to be found in an important essay by Claude Bérard, 3 which is not mentioned by Barringer, but to which the reader of this chapter should be directed.

In the Conclusion (pp. 203-212) Barringer summarizes the main arguments of her book: context determines the selection and depiction of mythological scenes on Greek sacred buildings, and context determines their meaning to contemporary audiences.

The clarity of the exposition, the carefully designed structure, and the excellent collection of images make this book a valuable introduction to the study of fifth- and fourth-century Greek architectural sculpture, and for this the author and the publisher deserve to be congratulated. Barringer should also be praised for her contextual approach to this important subject.


1. Knell, H. Mythos und Polis. Bildprogramme griechischer Bauskulptur. (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1990).
2. Brelich, A. Gli eroi greci, un problema storico-religioso. (Roma: Ateneo, 1958).
3. Bérard, C., 'La Grèce en barbarie: l'apostrophe et le bon usage des mythes', in Métamorphoses du mythe en Grèce antique, ed. C. Calame, 187-199. (Genève: Labor et Fides, 1988).


Battle-Loutrophoros

THE vase shown in Figures 1 to 17 is said to have been found at Athens. It has been reproduced, inadequately, in a London sale catalogue. 1 When it was mending in England, I was able, through the kindness of the then owner, to study it, draw it, and have it photographed. It has now been acquired by the University Museum, and Mrs. E. H. Dohan has generously invited me to give a short account of it in the Journal.

Figure 1 and 2. — Battle-Loutrophoros. Height .928 Metres
Museum Object Number: 30-4-1
Image Numbers: 2939, 2940

The two general views [Figures 1 and 2] are from Museum photographs the details [Figures 6 to 17] are from the photographs taken for me by Mr. George Chaundy before the vase was restored: my drawings also [Figures 3 to 5] give only what is ancient.

The vase is a loutrophoros. Vases of this shape had two uses at Athens: at weddings, the water for the bride’s bath was fetched from the fountain Kallirrhoe in such vessels—’loutrophoros’ means simply ‘bath-carrier’ and they were also placed on the tombs of those who had died unmarried. 2 The shape is an old-fashioned one: the geometric potter, in the eighth or seventh century, liked to give his vase a long neck which makes it look something like a stork, or a swan, or a goose and loutrophoroi, from religious and social conservatism, retain this long neck after it has died out elsewhere.

The chief picture on our vase represents a fight, between foot-soldiers and cavalry. Below this is a funeral scene: a long procession of men and youths with their right arms extended in the gesture of farewell to the dead. On the neck of the vase there are two figures, one each side: a young warrior, and a man holding a sceptre. The mouth and the lip of the vase are each decorated with a white wavy line, an ornament traditional in loutrophoroi and derived from the serpent of geometric times. There are white rosettes on the stays which join the thin handles to the neck. The fillets above and below the palmettos on the neck are painted red.

Let us take the minor pictures first. In the frieze below the main picture, the door of a house is shown—the corner of the architrave (restored) can just be seen to the right in Figure 13 to the left of this there are four figures turned to the right to the right of it several others turned to the left. It is the funeral procession and the gesture as others have pointed out, is that alluded to by Orestes in the Choephoroe of Aeschylus:

οὐ γὰρ παρὼν ᾤμωξα σὸν, πάτερ, μόρον,
οὐδ΄ ἐξέτεινα χειρ΄ ἐπ΄ἐκϕορᾃ νεκροὓ.

‘. . . nor at thy funeral stretch’d forth an arm.’ As to the two figures on the neck [Figures 1 and 2] they are to be taken together: it is the warrior leaving home, and his father watching him leave. A fragment in New York, the neck of a loutrophoros, shows two such figures side by side, the father laying his hand on his son’s shoulder. 3

Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 6

The execution of the vase is uneven. The painter has stamped the neck-figures—disliking, perhaps, the narrow field. The funeral-frieze is competent but no more. The main picture is on an altogether different level. It is not equally fine throughout: in particular, the head of one rider is done quite summarily, possibly because of its awkward position close up to the handle and, in the minor group, the rider is over small and the hoplite over large. But the attacking warriors in the major group, and the horse in the minor, are grand. There are two groups, a five and a two. The two consists of a bearded warrior, naked, Attic helmet on head, shield on arm, sword slung round him, running at a horseman with his spear [Figures 5 to 10]. The horseman, lightly bearded, has his shoulders turned towards us, wears chlamys and petasos, holds the reins in his left hand, and wields a spear in his right. Parts of the horseman are missing, and in his opponent, besides right forearm with hand, much of the legs, but the left foot is preserved. 4 And now the larger group [Figures 3, 4 and 11 to 17]. It consists of five figures: numbering from our left to right, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. 1 and 2 form one party 3, 4, and 5 the other. 1 attacks 3 2 attacks 3, 4, and 5. On the left, two warriors advancing. First, a bearded man, armed cap-a-pie, with corslet. short chiton, greaves, crested helmet (of the so-called Thracian shape), sword (part of the baldrick remains), and shield: his right arm is raised, 5 striking downwards with the spear. On this warrior’s left his young companion advances with raised spear: he is naked he carries a shield, has a sword slung round him (part of the baldrick remains), wears a crestless Corinthian helmet. He is seen from behind, and his left foot touches the ground with the toes only, or toes and ball. The other three warriors belong to the opposing party. In the middle of the whole group, a bearded man gives ground, looking back: he wears short chiton, chlamys, and petasos his left leg is bent sharply at the knee, his right leg is extended frontal warrior 1 is striking down at him. The middle of the retreating figure is missing, but the motive can be reconstructed by comparison with a similar figure on a stamnos in the Vatican. 6 The left hand held the scabbard, the lower end of which you can see to the right of the figure: he was drawing his sword. Next comes a horseman, very fragmentary. Parts of the horse’s legs remain the top of his head and the loose mane-hairs just above his shoulder, left longish for mounting: 7 of the rider, the left foot with half the shank and part of his breast and neck. The horse is in three-quarter view, both body and head: he starts back, for his master is falling, pierced by a spear. We see a bit of the spear the wound and the blood. The shaft must have snapped, for there is no trace of it higher up on the vase. The figure is not easy to reconstruct: to the right of the horse’s mane is part of the rider’s chlamys-covered chest then, I think, part of his neck, with a brown line on it marking the great sinew, as in the man to the right, then, to the right of the neck and the close chlamys-folds, two areas about which I feel doubtful and then the modern begins. There are many riders tumbling off their horses in works of the late fifth century or of the fourth, and in works derived from models of that period but none, as far as I can see, very close to ours. A figure in the principal frieze of the Nereid monument 8 another in one of the friezes of the Trysa Heroon 9 a third in clay plaques which are Roman, but based on classical Greek models 10 a fourth on an Apulian bell-krater in Naples: 11 all these resemble ours in some respects, but differ from it in others. The last warrior on the right is bearded, wears chlamys and petasos, and holds his spear at neck-level nearly horizontal: he is seen from behind he is retreating, but turning round towards the enemy, ready to strike: only the upper third of him remains, hut the attitude must have been something like that of a man on the Themis cup in Berlin 12 —right leg in profile with the knee bent, left leg extended, with the back of it towards us and the heel off the ground.

Figure 7
Image Number: 2941

The subjects most commonly depicted on loutrophoroi are what one would expect, considering the special functions of this type of vase. Funeral scenes: in the chief place, usually, the prothesis—the dead lying on a couch with mourners round him 13 but sometimes, in the later part of the fifth century, such gatherings at the tomb, or with the tomb represented, as appear on sepulchral lekythoi. 14 And scenes connected with marriage: the wedding procession, or the bride admiring the gifts. But a third kind of picture occurs on certain loutrophoroi: battle-scenes, often with cavalry. Such vases must have been placed at the tombs of those fallen in war. The Philadelphia vase, incomplete as it is, is the best preserved of these battle-loutrophoroi, most of the others being extant in fragments only. 15 The latest battle-loutrophoroi belong to the end of the fifth century. Our vase is one of the earliest. It cannot have been painted before 450: but it cannot be as late as 430. Somewhere about 440 is the probable date: and there was plenty of fighting in the forties and early thirties to which it might refer. Still earlier than our vase is a fine vase-fragment in Tubingen which, in all probability, comes from a loutrophoros [Figure 19]. 16 It gives head and shoulders of a young warrior, wearing chlamys and pilos, in the same sort of attitude as the retreating warrior on the Philadelphia vase, but striking at his pursuer with his sword. To the right, the shield of another warrior. Above the youth’s head is part of a handle—from its shape a loutrophoros-handle. Now the style is that of the painter Hermonax, 17 and the date cannot be later than 450, and is probably distinctly earlier. The Tubingen fragment, and the Philadelphia vase, show that there were battle-loutrophoroi well before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. 18 Sometimes a tomb is drawn in the background: this does not mean that the fight is thought of as taking place at a tomb: 19 it only says ‘one is buried, or commemorated, here’ and the rest of the picture adds ‘who fell in battle for his country: Elsewhere I have referred to the Attic tomb-reliefs of the time with battle-scenes 20 and to late white lekythoi 21 and might have cited the loutrophoros-fragment in the Hague, on which the polyandrion is represented—the public sepulchre of the fallen—with the names of the fields on which they fell. 22

Figure 8

There remains the question, who painted the vase. In the chief picture I find the style of an excellent artist, the Achilles painter, so called from a famous amphora, decorated with a picture of Achilles, in the Vatican 23 and the two attackers in the major group, and the horses, are not unworthy to be put beside his Achilles, or his Euphorbos in the Cabinet des Médailles, or his Satyrs and Maenads in the same collection. In the funeral frieze, however, I do not recognise the hand of the Achilles painter. It is not a question of careful work and careless: we know this artist’s careless work as well as his careful. Compare the funeral frieze with the many draped figures, from the reverses of vases by the Achilles painter, which I have figured in the Journal of Hellenic Studies. 24 There are certain resemblances in the type of drapery, but the drawing is quite different. The Achilles painter tends to straight lines and rectangular forms, our painter’s lines swell out and hump. The funeral frieze is, I think, by an assistant or colleague: I conjecture by the Sabouroff painter, 25 whom we can see, both in his red-figure work and in his fine white lekythoi, to have been strongly influenced by the Achilles painter. 26 The neck-pictures of our vase should also be his. There is nothing inherently improbable in such division of labour: and I have noticed a good number of what seem to me certain instances on vases. 27

Figure 9

Figure 10

Figure 11

Ancient remains

Much the most celebrated features of the site today are the three large temples in the Archaic version of the Greek Doric order, dating from about 550 to 450 BC. All are typical of the period, [2] with massive colonnades having a very pronounced entasis (widening as they go down), and very wide capitals resembling upturned mushrooms. Above the columns, only the second Temple of Hera retains most of its entablature, the other two having only the architrave in place.

These were dedicated to Hera, Athena, and Poseidon (Juno, Minerva, and Neptune to the Romans), although previously they often have been identified otherwise, for example, as a basilica and a temple of Ceres (Greek Demeter), after eighteenth-century arguments. The two temples of Hera are right next to each other, while the Temple of Athena is on the other side of the town center. There were other temples, both Greek and Roman, which are far less well-preserved. Paestum is far from any sources of good marble. The three main temples had few stone reliefs, perhaps using painting instead. Painted terracotta was for some detailed parts of the structure. The large pieces of terracotta that have survived are in the museum.

The whole ancient city of Paestum covers an area of approximately 120 hectares. It is only the 25 hectares that contain the three main temples and the other main buildings that have been excavated. The other 95 hectares remain on private land and have not been excavated. The city is surrounded by defensive walls that still stand. The walls are approximately 4750 m long, 5 – 7 m thick and 15 m high. Positioned along the wall are 24 square and round towers. There may have been as many as 28, but some of them were destroyed during the construction of a highway during the eighteenth century that effectively cut the site in two.

The central area is completely clear of modern buildings and always has been largely so, since the Middle Ages. Although much stone has been stripped from the site, large numbers of buildings remain detectable by their footings or the lower parts of their walls, and the main roads remain paved. A low-built heroon or shrine memorial to an unknown local hero survived intact the contents are in the museum. Numerous tombs have been excavated outside the walls.


Contents

Amazonomachy represents the Greek ideal of civilization. The Amazons were portrayed as a savage and barbaric race, while the Greeks were portrayed as a civilized race of human progress. According to Bruno Snell's view of Amazonomachy:

For the Greeks, the Titanomachy and the battle against the giants remained symbols of the victory which their own world had won over a strange universe along with the battles against the Amazons and Centaurs they continue to signalize the Greek conquest of everything barbarous, of all monstrosity and grossness. [1]

Amazonomachy is also seen as the rise of feminism in Greek culture. In Quintus Smyrnaeus's The Fall of Troy, Penthesilea, an Amazonian queen, who joined on the side of the Trojans during the Trojan war, was quoted at Troy, saying:

Not in strength are we inferior to men the same our eyes, our limbs the same one common light we see, one air we breathe nor different is the food we eat. What then denied to us hath heaven on man bestowed? [2]

According to Josine Blok, Amazonomachy provides two different contexts in defining a Greek hero. Either the Amazons are one of the disasters from which the hero rids the country after his victory over a monster or they are an expression of the underlying Attis motif, in which the hero shuns human sexuality in marriage and procreation. [3]

In the 5th century, the Achaemenid Empire of Persia began a series of invasions against Ancient Greece. Because of this, some scholars believe that on most 5th-century Greek art, the Persians were shown allegorically, through the figure of centaurs and Amazons. [4]

Warfare was a very popular subject in Ancient Greek art, represented in grand sculptural scenes on temples but also countless Greek vases. On the whole fictional and mythical battles were preferred as subjects to the many historical ones available. Along with scenes from Homer and the Gigantomachy, a battle between the race of Giants and the Olympian gods, the Amazonomachy was a popular choice.

Later, in Roman art, there are many depictions on the sides of later Roman sarcophagi, when it became the fashion to depict elaborate reliefs of battle scenes. Scenes were also shown on mosaics. A trickle of medieval depictions increased at the Renaissance, and especially in the Baroque period.

West metopes of Parthenon Edit

Kalamis, a Greek sculptor, is attributed to designing the west metopes of the Parthenon, a temple on the Athenian Acropolis dedicated to the Greek goddess Athena. [5] [6] The west metopes of the Parthenon depict a battle between Greeks and Amazons. Despite its mutilated state, scholars generally concur that the scene represents the Amazon invasion of Attica. [7]

Shield of Athena Parthenos Edit

The shield of Athena Parthenos, sculpted by Phidias, depicts a fallen Amazon. Athena Parthenos was a massive chryselephantine sculpture of Athena, the main cult image inside the Parthenon at Athens, which is now lost, though known from descriptions and small ancient copies. [8]

Bassae Frieze in Temple of Apollo Edit

The Bassae Frieze in the Temple of Apollo at Bassae contains a number of slabs portraying Trojan Amazonomachy and Heraclean Amazonomachy. The Trojan Amazonomachy spans three blocks, displaying the eventual death of Penthesilea at the hands of Achilles. The Heraclean Amazonomachy spans eight blocks and represents the struggle of Heracles to seize the belt of the Amazon queen Hippolyta. [9]

Amazonomachy frieze from Mausoleum at Halicarnassus Edit

Several sections of an Amazonomachy frieze from the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus are now in the British Museum. One part depicts Heracles grasping an Amazon by the hair, while holding a club behind his head in a striking manner. This Amazon is believed to be the Amazon queen Hippolyta. Behind Heracles is a scene of a Greek warrior clashing shields with an Amazon warrior. Another slab displays a mounted Amazon charging at a Greek, who is defending himself with a raised shield. This Greek is believed to be Theseus, who joined Heracles during his labours.

Other Edit

Micon painted the Amazonomachy on the Stoa Poikile of the Ancient Agora of Athens, which is now lost. [10] Phidias depicted Amazonomachy on the footstool of the chryselephantine statue of Zeus at Olympia. [11]

In 2018, archaeologists discovered relief-decorated shoulder boards made from bronze that were part of a breastplate of a Greek warrior at a Celtic sacrificial place near the village of Slatina nad Bebravou in Slovakia. Deputy of director of Slovak Archaeological Institute said that it is the oldest original Greek art relic in the area of Slovakia. Researchers analyzed the pieces and determined they were once part of a relief that depicted the Amazonomachy. [12]

Close up of Amazon warrior in combat with a hippeus 4th century AD Roman mosaic from Daphne in Antioch on the Orontes


Which suburbs are heroin hot spots? The answer might surprise you

Drugs on your street. When we talk about the opioid epidemic – most people think “not in my backyard.” You might be surprised how close the drug problem is and how far the product traveled to get here.

This is the busiest border crossing in the world! The port of San Ysidro, just south of San Diego. Cars backed up every day from Tijuana. Sixty thousand vehicles go through — some hollowed out holding illegal drugs.

“Every day, of course we see a lot of violations. Narcotics, heroin, fentanyl,” said Sidney Aki of US Customs and Border Protection.

Not just carried by Mexicans – 73-percent of busted drug traffickers are American citizens traveling across the border to bring drugs back, highly-addictive, illegal substances fueling the drug crisis in our country. Twenty thousand border protection agents attempt to put up road blocks on the drug trade. Heroin – which used to come from the Middle East – has now become booming business in Mexico.

“Daily. I would say approximately five to 12 loads are intercepted here at the port of entry daily. This year, to date, we have seen anywhere from 300 pounds of heroin entering the United States,” said Aki. “Fentanyl, as you know roughly a hundred times stronger than heroin, roughly 75 pounds we have intercepted here.”

Specially trained dogs roam the pre-screening area. If they get a hit, cars are searched more extensively, by hand and using specialized x-ray equipment to find carefully hidden contraband before it gets into California – considered the heroin transit zone.

“The detailed drug trafficking organizations use a variety of methods. With regard to vehicles, we see it in the quarter panels,” Aki said, “we see it in the rear panels. We see it in the tires, the tires affixed to the bottom of the vehicle, the roof, the floor, the gas tank, a whole variety of ways in which the drug trafficking organizations try to bring it into the United States.”

And as US demand increases, heroin seizures shoot up — more than 200%.

Even in the driving rain, US Customs and Border Protection agents are here, trying to stem the flow of illegal drugs into the US. But for every car stopped, every smuggler arrested and drugs seized, more get through, cars driving north on the highways and drugs spreading out on the arteries all across the United States.

Motorcycle gangs, drivers in rental and private cars and commercial trucks deliver the drugs to dealers right here in Chicago, where people die every single day. The opioid crisis is not just a law enforcement burden but a healthcare drain as well.

Dr. Ponni Arunkumar, Cook County chief medical examiner said, “we have seen a huge increase in the number of opioid and opioid-related deaths in 2016 compared to 2015. We have seen a lot more in the Latino population. We are seeing them more often in the younger population. We have seen people who are in their 60’s dying.”

Heroin, made from opium poppy, is an old drug. In ancient writing samples – it was referred to as the ‘joy plant.’

“So clearly they knew a lot about opium in those days,” said Dr Richard Miller, Northwestern Medicine drug researcher.

But it wasn’t until the 1800’s chemists legitimately harnessed the pain fighting power of opium poppy seeds in a lab.

“When you take the chemical molecule that is morphine, you can play around with it in different ways, you can make heroin out of it,” said Dr Miller.

And like morphine, heroin was once widely administered – legally – as a pain reliever for patients with respiratory ailments. Scientists at German company Bayer, the aspirin maker, said the drug made them feel ‘heroisch!’ That’s where the name comes from. But today, pure heroin is not what’s selling on the streets.

Across the city, fentanyl-related deaths are higher in number than ever before. That’s because there’s a demand for more powerful heroin and dealers are maximizing profits by adding fentanyl – produced in a lab. Chief medical examiner Dr Ponni Arunkumar says her numbers show an 82 percent increase in fentanyl-related overdose deaths.

“Fentanyl has a similar effect as heroin. It causes respiratory depression, but it’s more potent than heroin. It’s about 100 times more potent than heroin,” said Dr Arunkumar.

Then there’s carfentanil – a drug 10-thousand times more potent than heroin, commonly used to tranquilize not humans … but elephants. Some drug dealers incorporate the highly dangerous substance in their batches, often without the buyer’s knowledge. Because of the highly poisonous additives, the common antidote, naloxone doesn’t always work.

Karen Flowers, associate special agent in charge, DEA Chicago Field Division said, “generally you thought that heroin overdose you’d need one administration of naloxone. If it’s fentanyl based, it’s 2, 3, 4 times.”

“And not as successful anymore?” asked Dina Bair.

“No. It’s frightening,” said Agent Flowers.

And it creates the need for more product and more money to fight the epidemic. Money the dealers are drowning in while their users die.

“This is a very serious problem. Opioid addiction is at the very least a life sentence. Every day is a challenge. Worst case scenario it is a death sentence,” said Agent Flowers:

The most deaths by far in Illinois are in Chicago.

“We see a lot of convergence of street dealing in the south and west side of Chicago,” said Agent Flowers.

Across the state just about every county is impacted by opioids, particularly heroin. Opiates kill more people than murder or car accidents. Even smaller counties light up with fatalities.

In DuPage County the coroner says the jump in overdoses was 53 percent from 2015 to 2016. Hot spots change every year from Lombard to Naperville to Addison to Oak Brook, the deaths are everywhere. In Cook County in the first half of last year alone, there was a nearly 100-percent jump. And in McHenry County, a 25-percent increase fueled by deaths in Woodstock, Crystal Lake, McHenry and Lake in the Hills. In Lake County the numbers were flat with about 35 to 40 people dying each year. The greatest activity was in Waukegan, but towns like Antioch, Round Lake, Mundelein, Vernon Hills and North Chicago were all impacted.

In the last decade – more people have used illegal drugs than ever before in American history. Since 2010, American heroin use has quadrupled.

“We are reaching numbers that in the last three wars the United States has been involved in, we are eclipsing those numbers. Prevention and treatment along with enforcement is the only way we are going to fight this battle,” said Agent Flowers.


Battle Scene from the Heroon of Trysa - History

A cura di Gianfranco Adornato, Eva Falaschi, Alessandro Poggio Milano: LED Questa raccolta di co. more A cura di Gianfranco Adornato, Eva Falaschi, Alessandro Poggio
Milano: LED

Questa raccolta di contributi ha come comune denominatore lo studio della pittura antica, tra età classica ed ellenistica, e la sua ricezione in epoche successive. Rievocando nel titolo gli antichi scritti sulla pittura, il volume prende in considerazione la straordinaria ricerca, sia a livello teorico che pratico, condotta da artisti e intellettuali in un periodo di svolta dal punto di vista culturale e politico.
Questa fervida attività artistica e intellettuale ebbe un grande impatto anche nei secoli successivi. Sotto tale aspetto il volume si sofferma in particolare sull'età romano-imperiale che, grazie all'appropriazione materiale e intellettuale dell'arte greca, ne rappresenta uno dei massimi testimoni.
Gli articoli si snodano attraverso uno spettro d’indagine ampio e multidisciplinare, che comprende l'analisi delle testimonianze pittoriche pertinenti a diversi contesti da un punto di vista delle tecniche artistiche, delle pratiche di bottega e del discorso sociale, ma include anche il mondo della trattatistica antica sull'arte e sulla pittura, e le riflessioni filosofiche sui colori e la loro percezione.

Autori: Gianfranco Adornato, Eva Falaschi, Alessandro Poggio. In: Περὶ γραφικῆς. Pittori, Tecnic. more Autori: Gianfranco Adornato, Eva Falaschi, Alessandro Poggio.

In: Περὶ γραφικῆς. Pittori, Tecniche, Trattati, Contesti tra Testimonianze e Ricezione, 7-13. Milano: LED.

The paper considers innovative impulses in Greek Art of the 4th century BC by examining represent. more The paper considers innovative impulses in Greek Art of the 4th century BC by examining representations of the Calydonian boar hunt in architectural sculpture. The analysis moves from the iconographic peculiarities of this myth in the programme of the western Anatolian monument known as the Heroon of Trysa (ancient Lycia, present-day Turkey). Comparison with the earlier tradition reveals the prominence here of wounded hunters assisted by their fellows. The only parallel for the theme of solidarity between hunters in this myth known to us is to be found in the eastern pediment of the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea (Peloponnese, mainland Greece), produced a few decades after the Heroon of Trysa. The paper discusses not only this iconographic innovation, but also explores possible connexions of the two shores of the Aegean by stressing the mobility of artists and the scope of patronage between Anatolia and Greece.

Innovazione e circolazione. La caccia al cinghiale calidonio nel IV secolo a.C., tra Anatolia e Grecia, in «Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia», s. 5, 11 (2019), p. 137-157, 371-372. ISSN 0392-095X.

The aims of this paper are manifold. First, it presents the first ever archaeometric analysis of . more The aims of this paper are manifold. First, it presents the first ever archaeometric analysis of the marble of three fifth-century BC sculptures from Xanthos (ancient region of Lycia, present-day sw Turkey), currently held in the British Museum. The paper, furthermore, intends to reflect on the use of marble in Lycia by putting the results of the archaeometric study into the context of the broader horizon of the Eastern Mediterranean.
The multidisciplinary investigation of the three sculptures from Xanthos gives us the opportunity to reflect on the role of white marble in this period. Generally connected with Greek craftsmanship, it appears to have been a prestigious material that fostered connectivity among different political and cultural spheres.

White Marble for Lycian Monuments: The Fifth-Century BC Peplophoroi from Xanthos, in «Marmora» 14 (2018), p. 37-52. ISSN 1824-6214.

A cura di Gianfranco Adornato, Eva Falaschi, Alessandro Poggio Milano: LED Questa raccolta di co. more A cura di Gianfranco Adornato, Eva Falaschi, Alessandro Poggio
Milano: LED

Questa raccolta di contributi ha come comune denominatore lo studio della pittura antica, tra età classica ed ellenistica, e la sua ricezione in epoche successive. Rievocando nel titolo gli antichi scritti sulla pittura, il volume prende in considerazione la straordinaria ricerca, sia a livello teorico che pratico, condotta da artisti e intellettuali in un periodo di svolta dal punto di vista culturale e politico.
Questa fervida attività artistica e intellettuale ebbe un grande impatto anche nei secoli successivi. Sotto tale aspetto il volume si sofferma in particolare sull'età romano-imperiale che, grazie all'appropriazione materiale e intellettuale dell'arte greca, ne rappresenta uno dei massimi testimoni.
Gli articoli si snodano attraverso uno spettro d’indagine ampio e multidisciplinare, che comprende l'analisi delle testimonianze pittoriche pertinenti a diversi contesti da un punto di vista delle tecniche artistiche, delle pratiche di bottega e del discorso sociale, ma include anche il mondo della trattatistica antica sull'arte e sulla pittura, e le riflessioni filosofiche sui colori e la loro percezione.

Autori: Gianfranco Adornato, Eva Falaschi, Alessandro Poggio. In: Περὶ γραφικῆς. Pittori, Tecnic. more Autori: Gianfranco Adornato, Eva Falaschi, Alessandro Poggio.

In: Περὶ γραφικῆς. Pittori, Tecniche, Trattati, Contesti tra Testimonianze e Ricezione, 7-13. Milano: LED.

The paper considers innovative impulses in Greek Art of the 4th century BC by examining represent. more The paper considers innovative impulses in Greek Art of the 4th century BC by examining representations of the Calydonian boar hunt in architectural sculpture. The analysis moves from the iconographic peculiarities of this myth in the programme of the western Anatolian monument known as the Heroon of Trysa (ancient Lycia, present-day Turkey). Comparison with the earlier tradition reveals the prominence here of wounded hunters assisted by their fellows. The only parallel for the theme of solidarity between hunters in this myth known to us is to be found in the eastern pediment of the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea (Peloponnese, mainland Greece), produced a few decades after the Heroon of Trysa. The paper discusses not only this iconographic innovation, but also explores possible connexions of the two shores of the Aegean by stressing the mobility of artists and the scope of patronage between Anatolia and Greece.

Innovazione e circolazione. La caccia al cinghiale calidonio nel IV secolo a.C., tra Anatolia e Grecia, in «Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia», s. 5, 11 (2019), p. 137-157, 371-372. ISSN 0392-095X.

The aims of this paper are manifold. First, it presents the first ever archaeometric analysis of . more The aims of this paper are manifold. First, it presents the first ever archaeometric analysis of the marble of three fifth-century BC sculptures from Xanthos (ancient region of Lycia, present-day sw Turkey), currently held in the British Museum. The paper, furthermore, intends to reflect on the use of marble in Lycia by putting the results of the archaeometric study into the context of the broader horizon of the Eastern Mediterranean.
The multidisciplinary investigation of the three sculptures from Xanthos gives us the opportunity to reflect on the role of white marble in this period. Generally connected with Greek craftsmanship, it appears to have been a prestigious material that fostered connectivity among different political and cultural spheres.

White Marble for Lycian Monuments: The Fifth-Century BC Peplophoroi from Xanthos, in «Marmora» 14 (2018), p. 37-52. ISSN 1824-6214.

Il mito greco ha potuto travalicare le coordinate spaziali e temporali della civiltà che gli died. more Il mito greco ha potuto travalicare le coordinate spaziali e temporali della civiltà che gli diede forma grazie alla sua adattabilità a diversi contesti culturali. I miti greci – nella doppia accezione letteraria e visiva – non sono elementi propri della sola memoria occidentale. Questo fenomeno di straordinaria vitalità e continuità ha le sue radici nella “polivalenza delle immagini” mitiche.
Tante sono le tessere che compongono il mosaico della diffusione del mito greco in questa prospettiva di lunghissimo periodo. Indubbiamente, in ambito figurativo, lo studio della sua circolazione nel Mediterraneo antico rappresenta la prima importante tappa di questa storia, come dimostrano importanti studi sul mondo etrusco e romano.
In questo contributo rivolgerò la mia attenzione alla diffusione e all’impiego di immagini mitologiche nel Mediterraneo orientale prima del periodo ellenistico. In particolare, vorrei avanzare alcune riflessioni su una delle aree che – nel panorama delle regioni del Mediterraneo orientale – spicca per la sua ricettività nei confronti del modello culturale greco: la Licia.
--
The paper addresses the theme “Zum Bild das Wort” by exploring the use of mythological images in art of the Eastern Mediterranean before the Hellenistic period. Special attention is devoted to Lycia, a region in southwest Anatolia characterised by a peculiar artistic language between the 6th and 4th centuries BC. This region was highly receptive to external cultural trends. In particular, Greek culture and art were very influential, especially in the 4th century BC when mythological images played an important role in the decoration of dynastic and elite tombs. Moving from case studies of Bellerophon and the Chimera, to another of Caeneus, the paper explores the changing use of iconographic schemes in Lycia and specific visual choices used to convey local messages. Moreover, it sheds light on Lycia's place in the broader cultural and artistic horizon of the Eastern Mediterranean.

Il mito greco ha potuto travalicare le coordinate spaziali e temporali della civiltà che gli died. more Il mito greco ha potuto travalicare le coordinate spaziali e temporali della civiltà che gli diede forma grazie alla sua adattabilità a diversi contesti culturali. I miti greci – nella doppia accezione letteraria e visiva – non sono elementi propri della sola memoria occidentale. Questo fenomeno di straordinaria vitalità e continuità ha le sue radici nella “polivalenza delle immagini” mitiche.
Tante sono le tessere che compongono il mosaico della diffusione del mito greco in questa prospettiva di lunghissimo periodo. Indubbiamente, in ambito figurativo, lo studio della sua circolazione nel Mediterraneo antico rappresenta la prima importante tappa di questa storia, come dimostrano importanti studi sul mondo etrusco e romano.
In questo contributo rivolgerò la mia attenzione alla diffusione e all’impiego di immagini mitologiche nel Mediterraneo orientale prima del periodo ellenistico. In particolare, vorrei avanzare alcune riflessioni su una delle aree che – nel panorama delle regioni del Mediterraneo orientale – spicca per la sua ricettività nei confronti del modello culturale greco: la Licia.
--
The paper addresses the theme “Zum Bild das Wort” by exploring the use of mythological images in art of the Eastern Mediterranean before the Hellenistic period. Special attention is devoted to Lycia, a region in southwest Anatolia characterised by a peculiar artistic language between the 6th and 4th centuries BC. This region was highly receptive to external cultural trends. In particular, Greek culture and art were very influential, especially in the 4th century BC when mythological images played an important role in the decoration of dynastic and elite tombs. Moving from case studies of Bellerophon and the Chimera, to another of Caeneus, the paper explores the changing use of iconographic schemes in Lycia and specific visual choices used to convey local messages. Moreover, it sheds light on Lycia's place in the broader cultural and artistic horizon of the Eastern Mediterranean.


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1 Travels in Crete 1 (1837) 145–146. See also Pendlebury , J. , The Archaeology of Crete ( 1971 ) 313 maps 17 and 18.Google Scholar

2 Powell , Dilys , The Villa Ariadne ( 1982 ) 11 .Google Scholar Cf also JHS 49, 1929, 226 BSA 30. Sess. 1928–1930, 1932, 268.

3 Among them there was also a worked limestone, most probably a funerary cippus, I think of Phoenician form, with which I am dealing in a forthcoming article.

4 These dates will have to be reassessed on further consideration of the available material, especially from protogeometric, classical and Hellenistic periods.

5 To date a corner of a building has been unearthed (See Fig. 4 left).

6 Cf. e.g. Vergina , , Ανδϱὸνιϰος , Μ. , Βεϱγὶνα Ι, Τó νεϰϱοταφεῖον τῶν τύμΒων ( 1969 ) 10 ff. pls. 8, 9.Google Scholar Ialysos , , Gates , Ch. , From Cremation to Inhumation , 1983 , 19 f.Google Scholar 28f and Siderospilia, Prinias, (infra n.10), Figs. 476, 477.

7 See Fig. 8 to the left of the skull. Their motifs descend from a type of jewellery known to have existed on Crete from Minoan times (see R. Seager (infra n.24) 72 Figs. 41–42 and Alexiou , S. – Platon , N. – Guanella , H. , Das antike Kreta ( 1967 ) 20 Google Scholar Fig. 37 especially the one in the middle. Cf. also Bosanquet , R.B. , Excavations at Praesos I , BSA , 8 , 1901 – 1902 , 243 Fig. 12Google Scholar , 244 without cuttings on the rosettes leaves endings) but they resemble more the 7th c. golden rosettes jewellery from Rhodes (see Hampe-Simon (infra. n.90) 209, 302 Fig. 322) – although without the filligran – and especially the earrings of the 7th c. from Melos now in the British Museum.

8 For the first possibility see Wartke , R.B. , Iran-Urartu, Vam Kleine Schriften , 7 ( 1987 ) 23 – 24 , Fig. 12Google Scholar for the second R. Seager, supra n.7.

9 Hall , E.H. , Excavations in eastern Crete, Vrokastro ( 1914 ) 154 – 172 .Google Scholar

10 See recently Creta antica, Cento anni di archeologia Italiana(1884–1984), 1984, 238ff Figs. 444, 467 with bibliography.

11 See most recently Lambrinoudakis , V.K. , Veneration of Ancestors on Geometric Naxos in Hägg , R. – Marinatos , N. – Nordquist , G.C. , Early greek cult practice ( 1988 ) 238 .Google Scholar See also my critical distance from some of his interpretations infra n.24 and 59.

12 For the family interpretation, see Bosanquet , R.C. – Dawkins , R.M. in BSA , Suppl. 1 ( 1923 ), 151 – 152 .Google Scholar Later Kurtz , D.C. – Boardman , J. , Greek burial customs , 1971 , 56 Google Scholar , 349 and most recently V. Lambrinoudakis, supra n.11.

13 See accordingly Fig. 9 right and left. Actually trench A, which to my view is the oldest one and can be dated in the protogeometric period, seems to be a mixture of a shaft grave with a (later?) built tomb, partially lined with masonry (see the examples of the L Cypriote III graves with inhumations and cremations (Kaloriziki T 40) inside, brought together by Niklasson , K. – Sönnerby , in Aegaeum 1, Thanatos , Liège 1986 ( 1987 ) 219 ff.).Google Scholar

14 Paris, Louvre, G. 197 cf. Simon , E. , Die griechische Vasen ( 1976 ), 107 – 108 Fig. 133Google Scholar , dated 500/490 BC.

15 E.g. Bell crater in Villa Giulia 11688 in fragments (see Clairmont , Chr. , AJA 57 , 1953 , 85 – 89 pl. 45. fig. 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar pl. 46 fig. 2 or, even better the crater of Santa Agatha dei Goti, Metzger , H. , Les représentations dans la ceramique attique du IV em siècle ( 1951 ) I , 211.II, pl. XXII, 1Google Scholar and most recently Vollkommer , R. , Herakles in the art of classical Greece ( 1988 ) 32 and 35 fig. 45.Google Scholar Also similar although not always identical, appears to be the construction of the pyre on which Alkmene seats (See Trendall , A.D. – Webster , T.B.L. , Illustrations of Greek Drama ( 1971 ) III Google Scholar , 3–8 and recently Gogos , S. , ÖJh 55 , 1984 , 32 Fig. 3).Google Scholar

16 E.g. on the Analatos protoattic hydria and amphora E. Simon (Supra n.14), 39–41 dated accordingly 700 and 690 BC.

17 See Αεμπέση , Αγγ. , Οι στῆλες τοῦ Πϱινιά ( 1976 ) 21 – 22 Google Scholar , Plates 2–3, Stele A1. See also the dress of the dead woman in the Alianelli tomb 286 ( Nafissi , in Magna Grecia, II Mediterraneo, le metropoleis e la fondazione delle colonia I ( 1985 ) 197 figs. 287–288).Google Scholar

18 Significantly, fruits which would have been picked in autumn, a period in which the cremation to which they belong would have been fired. For other parallels of burial figs and grapes from geometric cremations on Naxos see Zapheiropoulou , Ph. in ADelt Chronica, 21 , 2, 1966 , 393 .Google Scholar

19 Smashed vessels are often associated with offerings to the dead. See most recently also V. Lambrinoudakis (supra n.11) 240.

20 These drinking vessels and a kalathos which belongs to the same group and was also found slightly burnt, may well belong to a ritual which took place immediately after the completion of the cremation.

21 For funerary rites generally: Stengel , P. , Opferbrauche der Griechen , 1910 , 1 ffGoogle Scholar Eitreim , S. , Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer , 1915 , 1 ffGoogle Scholar Andronikos , M. in Archeol. Homerica 1968 , 127 ff.Google Scholar Kurtz-Boardman (supra n.12) 65–67 (geometric period), 142–161 and notes on 359–60. For funerary meals see Malten , L. , RM . 38–39 , 1923 – 1924 , 300 ff.Google Scholar and recently: Hägg , R. , Funerary Meals in the geometric necropolis at Asine? in the Greek Renissance of the 8th c. BC . Tradition and Innovation Proc. of the 2nd Intern. Symp. at the Swedish Institut , Athens 1981, Stockholm ( 1983 ), 189 – 194 .Google Scholar For additional constructions discussed see V. Lambrinoudakis (supra n.11) 239 and fn.11.

22 I would like to express my warm thanks to Dr Ph. McGeorge who examined the material carefully and wrote the results. I hope our collaboration will continue as the anthropological material of the cemetery and especially from the pyres seems to be very interesting.

23 Chalopota stream flows about a hundred metres away to the west of the cremation area.

24 Since there was no evidence of a construction of any kind – as those found in the enclosures of the geometric necropolis at the Metropolis area on Naxos cf. V. Lambrinoudakis (supra n.11), 238–, we assumed that this layer was a kind of sealing of the pyre after its quenching. A kind of flat roof consisting, probably, of wood, reed and clay is also assumed for some of the rectangular EM–MM enclosures in Mochlos (See Seager , R.B. , Explorations in the Island of Mochlos ( 1912 ) 46 Google Scholar and Pini , I. , Beiträge zur minoischen GräberKunde ( 1968 ) 7 and 8).Google Scholar

25 The way the amphora of trench KK was covered and the way the stones surrounded it bears distinct similarities to the so called ‘tombe singole a pithos’ nos. 20, 24 and 27 at Arkades described and illustrated by Levi , D. , ASAtene 10–12 , 1927 – 1929 , 100 ff.Google Scholar figs. 75 and 77. The most important result in my view is that the cremated bones inside the Eleuthernian amphora were very clean, obviously having been carefully separated from the ash and the charcoal of the pyre.

26 Especially 23, 28–34. 111–112. 120. 127–128. 139. 163–170. 237–241. 255–256.

27 Cf. Palaepaphos – Skales (infra n.39) 89.

28 The type might have been common in central and eastern Crete. Analogous examples are known, although infrequently published, from Knossos (cf. Hartley , M. , Early Greek Vases from Crete , BSA 31 , 1930 – 1931 , 79 fig. 10 no. 49Google Scholar , Fortezza, Coldstream , J.N. , Geometric Pottery ( 1968 ) 247 Google Scholar pl. 55 and Palaikastro (cf. Dawkins , R.M. , Excavations at Palaikastro II , BSA 9 , 1902 – 1903 , 320 fig. 20,1.Google Scholar See also recently M. Tsipopoulou, Γεωμετριϰή ϰαι ανατολιζουσα ϰεραμειϰή της Ετεοϰρητιϰής περιοχής (1987) in press.

29 So, for example, the piece of a big amphora (Fig. 17) with the known technique, white on black from Knossos (see Coldstream , J.N. in Antichitá Cretesi, Studi in onere di D. Levi II ( 1974 ) 163 pl. 15,4.Google Scholar Also a white on black fragment of pottery decorated with griffins was found in the Eleuthernian cemetery.

30 A sherd found in trench KK most probably represents a man and a galloping horse. It is from an ‘urna’ like the one found by Levi in the cemetery at Arkades now in Heraklion Museum (Inv. no. 8120). See Creta antica (supra n.10) 260 fig. 502.

31 So far Athenian and Corinthian MG/LG, Protocorinthian (Fig. 18) and Corinthian pottery is surprisingly much to be found in the excavated area of the cemetery at Eleutherna, which seems not to be the case – as far as I know today – in Knossos (See Coldstream , J.N. , Geometric Greece , ( 1977 ), 85 , 168ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar Gift exchange in the 8th c. BC in R. Hägg's Greek Renaissance (supra n.21) 201–207).

32 See infra n.36 and 39–40.

33 On the northern coast, about 9–10 kms away from Eleutherna, almost 3 hours walk by the more direct paths and roads for a modern individual.

34 Even though it has not been accepted that they do play dices (see Buchholz , H.-G. in Laser's , S. , Sport und Spiel, Arch. Hom. T ( 1987 ) 126 ff.Google Scholar

35 Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Inv. no. 16757 see E. Simon (supra n. 14) 86–87, Fig. 74 (XXV). Also recently Schefold , K. , Homer und die Erzählungsstil der archaischen Kunst in ΕΙΔΩΛΟΠΙΙΑ 1982 ( 1985 ) 20 – 21 fig. 3Google Scholar (the analogous theme on an amphora in Basel) and supra n.34, 126ff, Pl. V,8.

36 See Dikaios , P. , AA 1963 , 126 ff.Google Scholar 147 Fig. 15 and Karageorghis , V. , Zypern , in Archaeologia Mundi ( 1968 ) 172 Fig. 136Google Scholar and Salamis, Die Zyprische Metropole des Altertums (1970) 32ff. 49, pl.4. I will not discuss here the possibility of whether the ‘princess’ buried in tomb I of Salamis was Greek (Athenian or from Euboea?) (cf. Gjerstad , E. in Studies presented in memory of P. Dikaios ( 1979 ) 89 ff.Google Scholar and recently Coldstream , J.N. in Archaeology in Cyprus 1960–1985 ( 1985 ) 55 )Google Scholar – or not. The resemblance of her necklace to the Eleuthernian piece is striking the ‘fashion’ looks the same and the round crystal beads and the ribbed golden beads are almost similar. One, of course, has to admit that there are no cylindrical beads on the Salaminian example – unless they have been lost. Anyway, the Eleuthernian necklace seems to me much earlier than the Cypriot example but the point is, what was the location of the goldsmith's workshop? Since the ‘princess’ could be Greek and we know at least an 8th c. goldsmith's workshop at Eretria (cf. P. Themelis in Hägg's Greek Renaissance, (supra n.21) 157–165) one could surmise that a centre like this with the Euboean geometric trade fleet would provide jewellery to distantly located centres. But although I do not consider such an assumption incorrect, I think that the solution of the necklaces' provenance is connected with the technique of working of hard stone, such as the oreia krystallos. Therefore, both necklaces must have been produced in a centre where this technique was practised for years and years. A near eastern centre like Syria or Cyprus itself (cf. the Phoenician workshops of Kition and Encomi) is almost certain but Crete cannot be excluded if one thinks that the island produces the stone and that the technique was not forgotten (or was again taught by eastern mediterranean goldsmiths, Phoenicians for example, during the geometric period. (For early Cretan examples from Mochlos see K. Seager (supra n.24) 48 IV, 11 fig. 20, 55, VI, 27 fig. 25. For examples dated in the geometric period see the oreia krystallos beads from Khaniale Tekke tombs as well as the golden ribbed beads from the same groups ( Boardmann , J. , BSA 49 , 1954 , 226 nos. 30–42 pl. 28 and no. 52 pl. 29).Google Scholar For analogous examples of crystal – but also amber – beads of necklaces found in the Idaian cave see recently J. Sakellarakis, Some Geometric and Archaic votives from the Idaian Cave in Hägg's , et alt., Early Greek Cult Practice 1986 ( 1988 ) 184 ff. 187 n. 109 and 111.Google Scholar

37 See recently one from Stavromenos Rethymnis published by Andeadaki-Vlazaki , M. in Ειλαπινή, Τόμος Τιμητιϰός για τον Ν. Πλάτωνα I–II ( 1967 ) 63 Figs. 5b and 15.Google Scholar As one can easily see, the Eleuthernian examples bear several differences in shape from the cup mentioned above.

38 The handles were fired to the body of the bowl by two disc-shaped attachments joined by a flat strap each disc is attached to the body by three rivers. On either side of each handle is a twisted wire, bridging the handle to each disc of the attachment. There is also a ridge around the base of the lotus flower.

39 Cf. Karageorghis , V. , BCH 90 , 1966 , 297 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar BCH 95, 1971–2, 335ff. and Palaepaphos-Skales, An Iron Age cemetery in Cyprus I–II (1983) 112ff. (Tomb 58) 119 and 125 plate 89 no. 90.

40 The type of bowl with lotus flower handles was exported as far as Etruria and influenced local bronze work there (cf. Loschiavo , F. , Macnamara , E. , Vagnetti , L. , Late Cypriot imports to Italy and their influence in local bronze work , PBSR 53 , 1985 , 1 – 71 ).Google Scholar Examples of analogous types are also known from Gordion in Phrygiaas well as from Attica. The Cypriot examples imported into Crete influenced also later the local bronze work (see the examples from Kavousi, Boardman , J. in KrChron 23 , 1971 , 6 Google Scholar Plate A (imported or influenced) Arkades, Levi , D. in ASAtene 10–12 , 1927 – 1929 , 472 – 475 fig. 590Google Scholar (influenced) and elsewhere). For metal vessels from Cyprus see recently Matthäus H., Metallgefässe und Gefässuntersätze der Bronzezeit, der geometrischen und archaischen Periode auf Cypern (1985).

41 Although through preliminary comparisons and analysis of the shape of the cups and the crateriskoi, (which cannot be explained here in detail), I am inclined to an early date for them i.e. the second half of the 10th and 9th c. BC, one has to think that expensive imported pieces like the bronze bowl could be passed by inheritance from generation to generation and that the chronology of the production has less to do with the chronology of its use as an offering in the pyre trench. As a result the chronological question of the first pyre in trench A has to remain for the time being unanswered.

42 For cremation and the statement mentioned above see Iakovides , Sp. , Excavations of the Necropolis at Perati, Occas. Paper 8 , Univ. of California ( 1980 ) 10 ff.Google Scholar More recently Mee , C. Rhodes in the Bronze Age ( 1982 ) 28 ff., 90ff.Google Scholar with bibliography.

43 See Davaras , C. , Cremations in Minoan and Subminoan Crete in Antichitá Cretesi, Studi in onore di D.Levi I ( 1973 ) 158 – 167 .Google Scholar

44 See Bieńkowski , P.A. , Levant 14 , 1982 , 80 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar and 88–89 where bibliography on cremations in the near East before the Iron Age.

45 See Snodgrass , A. , The Dark Age of Greece ( 1971 ) 189 ff. map Fig. 69.Google Scholar

46 See MacFadden , G. , AJA 58 , 1954 , 131 – 142 CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Benson , J.L. , The Necropolis of Kaloriziki , SIMA 36 , 1973 , 24 – 25 , 48ff.Google Scholar

47 See Bieńkowski , P.A. , Levant 14 , 1982 , 87 – 88 CrossRefGoogle Scholar ‘one should question whether it is a reliable cultural guide at all’.

48 See recently Gates , Ch. , From Cremation to Inhumation: Burial practices at Ialysos and Kameiros during the mid-archaic period, ca. 625–525 BC, Occas. Paper 11 , Univ. of Cal. ( 1983 ) 19 f. 22ff., 32–33, 41ff.Google Scholar See also mutatis mutandis C. Mee (supra n.42) 90 ‘The two sites where this Aegean Koine can best be defined are the furthest apart, Ialysos and Perati…. Not only Ialysos and Perati practise cremation but the method of cremation is exactly the same. I would not be surprised if the Myceneans who settled at Ialysos and at Perati in LHIIIC came from the same province, whether or not refugees’, as well as the L Cypriot IIIC tomb at Kaloriziki T40 (supra n.13). Combined with the stone enclosures of Crete, with which we are dealing immediately post, it would be interesting to be able to make a comparison with the Necropolis of Gela, a common colony of Cretans and Rhodians (Gortynians and Lindians?) at least in the first generation of the 7th c. BC. The brief history of the excavations on the Necropolis given by Fiorentino , G. in ASAtene 61 , 1983 , 71 – 73 Google Scholar is very useful but not enough to assist in providing a solution to the problem put here.

49 Supra n.9 and 10. In the necropolis of Prinias similar constructions have been found since 1968. See Rizza , G. in Cronache di Archeologia 8 , 1969 , 7 ff.Google Scholar pls. 11, 14, 15 in Siculorum Gymnasium 24, 1971, 1ff. pl. 9,3 in Acta III. Congress in Crete 171 (1974) 286ff. pl. 74 in La Ricerca Scientifica 100, 1978, 85ff. and recently in Atti del convegnio internazionale, ASAtene 61, 1983, 45–51. For the ‘Geloan’ cemetery of Butera in Sicily and its connections with Crete in the protoarchaic period see Rizza , G. in Kokalos 30–31 , 1984 – 1985 , 1,65 ff.Google Scholar

50 Cf Themelis , P. , Frühgriechische Grabbauten ( 1976 ) 27 n.18 and 19.Google Scholar

51 Cf. Effenterre , H. Van , Nécropoles du Mirabello , in Ét. Creét. 8 , 1948 , 15 f.Google Scholar and P. Themelis (supra n.50) 27 n.20.

52 I owe this information to Dr M. Tsipopoulou to whom I am grateful, but I have not had the opportunity to consider the material in depth.

53 Cf. Ph. Zapheiropoulou in ADelt Chronica, 18. 20, 21 (noted by P. Themelis in his much discussed thesis (supra n.46 24ff.) and in Magna Grecia, Anno 18, no. 5–6, 1983, 1–4.

54 Cf. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki , in Arch. Eph. 1970 , 16 – 22 .Google Scholar

55 Other very possible candidates with close connections to Crete are SW. Asia Minor as well as N. Syria and the coast.

56 See R.B. Seager (supra n.24) 18ff.

57 See, Bosanquet , R.C. in BSA 8 , 1901 – 1902 , 290 ff.Google Scholar and Dawkins , R.M. in BSA 11 , 1904 – 1905 , 268 ff.Google Scholar

58 The undoubted examples quoted by I. Pini (supra n.24) 8, with the bibliography in the notes and Soles , J.S. , The Gournia house tombs: A study of the architecture, chronology and use of the built rectangular tombs of Crete ( 1973 ) 1 ff.Google Scholar and bibliography.

59 In other cases (Vrokastro) the unusual evenness of the upper surfaces of the walls have been explained as if the upper courses had been built of bricks, as they mostly were in early Greek buildings (see E. Hall (supra n.9) 170). But a building resembling ours found in Besik-Tepe, much earlier in date, which also contains at least one cremation inside its back room, and of rougher construction, had a superstructure made of stones, (see Korfmann , M. in AA 1986 Google Scholar , Besik-Tepe 1984, 311 ff. Abb.6, 314 ff. Abb. 7ff and in Troy and the Trojan War, a Symposium held at Bryn Mawr College (1986) 22 no. 15 figs. 15,47 and 18. Korfmann, describing the basic types of structure, refers to ‘one pithos burial within a chamber tomb (no. 15)’. But I am convinced that the structure is of the same type as the Eleuthernian and that the ‘stone circles’ described by Korfmann (pp. 21–22) are of the same type as the ones on Naxos (cf. V. Lambrinoudakis (supra n.11) 238 figs. 12 and 18). The pithos burial may be of a later date having disturbed burial building no. 15, or was standing in the first room and has later fallen down. But on this subject of the ‘stone enclosures’, I am preparing another article which will be published soon.

60 See Drerup , H. , Griechische Baukunst in geometrischer Zeit (Arch. Hom. II:O) ( 1969 ) 1 ff. 77ff.Google Scholar

61 Cf. Platon , N. , KrChron 8 , 1954 , 455 f.Google Scholar I. Pini (supra n.24) 51 and also P. Themelis (supra n.46) 27.

62 The Library of History, IV, 79 1ff. 3.

63 Being aware of the critical point of view expressed by Holloway , R. Ross , Italy and the Aegean 3.000–7.000 BC ( 1981 ) 101 Google Scholar , who believes that the so called temple tomb at Cnossos appears to have been a normal Cretan villa, I give here a slightly different translation which has as a result a slightly different view to the commentary written by Oldfather , C.H. , Loeb Class Libr. III ( 1962 ) 66 – 67 n.1Google Scholar who – referring to the tomb of Minos – believes that it was of two storeys and that such a tomb was found at Cnossos by Sir Evans , A. , The palace of Minos , 4 , II ( 1935 ) 959 ff).Google Scholar First the word διπλούς does not necessarily mean only of two storeys' but could also have the meaning ‘double, of two parts’, (LSJ 9 ) which then immediately is cleared out which way it was meant on Diodorus: 1. ϰατά μέν τον ϰ ε ϰ ρ υ μ μ έ ν ο ν τόπον . . ., 2. ϰατά δε τον α ν ε ω γ μ έ ν ο ν (τόπον). 1. means ‘covered, covered in (or with) the earth, buried, lied hidden’ (LSJ 9 ). They have put the bones in the then covered place (or even, in the (part which was hidden underground, or covered etc.) 2. means opened, to be opened, to lay uncovered’ (LSJ 9 ) in contrast to the first part (or place) (and not necessarily in which (part) that lay open to view as in Oldfather's translation). 3. νεών means either temple or shrine containing the image of the god (LSJ 9 ). Following the first interpretation (on this subject I intend to return in an article in preparation). I would think that the ‘temple’ was built on the actual tomb and that the open courtyard, the temenos, was the actual ανεωγμένος τόπος If one accepts the second interpretation then the tomb might have been covered – one way or another – and the actual temenos was the shrine of the god.

64 See for example the Heroon of Gjolbaschi–Trysa ( Eichler , Fr. , Die Reliefs des Heroon von Gjölbaschi–Trysa ( 1950 ) 7 ff. fig. 1Google Scholar and Childs , W.A.P. , The city-Reliefs of Lycia ( 1978 ) 13 – 14 pl. 1.2.Google Scholar

65 I.e. Herodotus, I. 171–173. For a descendant of Idomeneus called Lykis (?) (identified with Lykomedes? cf. RE XIII, 2, 2272ff. 2298f. 2300f. and 2393f.) See recently Schachermeyer , Fr. , Die griechische Rückerinnerung in Lichte neuer Forschungen, ÖAW , Wien , 404 , 1983 , 36 , 283–284.Google Scholar On Cretan and Asia Minor Lykioi and their possible relations to the Daunia culture, I intend to return in the future.

66 See Κοντολὲων , Ν. , Τogr Ἐϱέχθειον ὡς οἰχοδόμημα χθονίας λατϱείας ( 1949 ) 55 ff.Google Scholar and especially 69ff. Travlos , I. , Pictorial Dictionary of ancient Athens ( 1971 ) 213 – 217 Google Scholar with bibliography. Even if one adopts Jeppesen's , Kr. theory ( The Theory of the alternative Erechtheion ( 1987 ) 7 ff.Google Scholar , Kekropeion (Kecrops grave and precinct) with Pandroseion temenos does not change.

67 Almost always identified as the goddess of fertility and of Nature. See Alexiou , St. , KrChron , 12 , 1958 , 179 ff.Google Scholar Also the interpretation of the representation on the relief amphorae of Tenos and Boetia by Themelis (supra n.46) 90ff. pls. 10 and 11. In Cyprus, she existed still in the archaic classical period (see Karageorghis , V. , The Goddess with uplifted arms in Cyprus, Scripta Minora 1977 – 1978 , 29 ff.Google Scholar and recently Φλουϱέντξου , Π. , Τά εἰδώλλια τῆς πϱοιστοϱιϰης Κύπϱον' ( 1988 ) 52 – 53 ).Google Scholar

68 A relief protome on the body, under the lip, of one of these pots (Fig. 24) probably represents a goddess. All these vessels have their precedents in the Near East. The forerunners of such vessels could be the so-called ‘ποτήρια ϰοινωίας’ of the Minoan period but the type is known to have existed (in stone and clay) in prehistoric Cyclades, Mycenae and the Levant. In the geometric period we have ceramic parallels from Megido and Cyprus and later during the archaic period, in Cyprus and Etruria. Some of them could also have been used as thymiateria.

69 See Richter , G. , Kouroi 3 ( 1970 ) 118 – 119 figs. 395–398Google Scholar and Fuchs , W. , Die Skulptur der Griechen 3 ( 1983 ) 34 – 35 figs. 20–21.Google Scholar Of course I do not discuss here the problems arising from the pieces recovered to date but I note some of the figure's peculiarities as e.g. the absence of the projecture of the left foot.

70 It almost certainly comes from the quarry of Alpha next to Eleutherna, because of the material's softness. Limestone is difficult to be transported for long distances in contrast to hard stones, marble, granite etc. (See recently Monna , D. in N. Herz–M. Waelkens, Classical Marble: Geochemistry, Technology, Trade. Proceedings of the NATO advanced Research workshop on Marble in ancient Greece and Rome , NATO ASI series ( 1988 ) 7 – 8 ).Google Scholar Therefore, limestone sculpture always tended to be of local provenance.

71 Although what we possess is not much and it is not yet cleaned and restored, it seems to me to bear affinities to the Naxian (and Theran) works as the ones exhibited in the local museum and on Delos.

72 For this Homeric epithet (τ 242), which according to Duntzer refers to the designs of the hem, see Α. Δεμπέοη (supra n.17) 84 n.393 where there is also a selected bibliography.

73 For this statuette and the reconstruction on paper of its base see Ohly , D. , AM 82 , 1967 , 89 –89 fig. 1 and G. Kopke pp. 100–148.Google Scholar

74 On these possibilities see also lately Ridgeway , B.S. in Chios, A Conference at the Homereion in Chios 1984 ( 1986 ) 266 – 267 .Google Scholar

75 See Lippold , G. , HdA III ( 1950 )Google Scholar and Richter , G. , Korai ( 1968 ) no. 18, figs. 76–79.Google Scholar For the gesture and discussion about the chronology once again, see Adams , L. , Orientalizing Sculpture in soft limestone from Crete and Mainland Greece ( 1978 ) 32 ff.Google Scholar

76 Similar the lower part of a small scale female limestone sculpture found on the acropolis of Gortyn now in the Heraklion Museum see Rizza , G. – Scrinari , V. , Il Santuario sull' Acropoli di Gortina I: La scultura in pietra, i bronzi figurati e la plastica fittile, Monogr. SAtene 2 ( 1968 ) 155 no. 3 pl. 1.Google Scholar Unfortunately, we do not know if the Kore of Eleutherna had plastically rendered toes as the Auxerre statuette or, like Nikandre and the Samian statuette, had not. For the discussion on this subject, see L. Adams (supra n.75) 34. For wooden parallels see H. Kyrieleis (infra n.78) 103–104 no. 13 pl. 24, 1–2. On stelai see Α. Δεμπέοη (supra n. 17) 21ff. A1, A2 etc. pl. 2, 3, 4, 5, etc. On vases see the woman on the Aphrati oinochoe, D. Levi (supra n.25) 401 fig. 518a.

77 See for example the two goddesses of the ‘Apollonian Trias’ from Dreros, lately Blome , P. , Die figurliche Bildwelt Kretas der geometrischen und früharchaisen Periode ( 1982 ) 10 ff.Google Scholar with bibliography, pl. 4, 1–2.

78 See lately Kyrieleis , H. , Neue Holzfunde aus dem Heraion von Samos, Atti del convegno internazionale, Grecia, Italia e Sicilia nell VIII e VII s. a.C. 1979 vol. III , ASAtene 61 , 1983 ( 1984 ). 295 ff.Google Scholar Especially the wooden Kore, p. 298–300 figs. 6–7 and the author's interesting view that it is Cretan work. Also his work Archaische Holzfunde aus Samos , in AM 95 ( 1980 ) 87 ff.Google Scholar and especially 94ff. no. 11, pl. 21–22 and 103–104 pl. 24, 1–2.

79 The identification of the Auxerre statuette's work manship as Cretan had been seriously doubted. See the bibliography on the subject collected by Davaras , , Die Statue aus Astritsi , AK Beih. 8 ( 1972 ) 55 .Google Scholar

80 See Lebessi , A. , Monumento funeratio del VII s. a. C. a Creta in Antichit Cretesi II ( 1974 ) 120 f. figs. 1, 3, 4.Google Scholar

81 Especially those which depict all the upper body including the upper legs covered (see Α. Δεμπέοη (supra n.17) nos. A5, A6 etc. but not B2).

82 Here, the shield does not cover the upper legs but the idea is the same. (See Creta Antica (1984), 230–231 with bibliography, figs. 424–425, 429). They also resemble, in the relationship between shield and body, bronze warriors such as those on the cauldron stands of the geometric period found in the Idaean Cave (See recently, P. Blome (supra n.77) 25f. with bibliography, pl. 11, 1–2 and fig. 8).

83 See E. Simon (supra n.14) 48–50 with bibl. and good photos on figs. 25, 26, VII.

84 I merely draw a comparison with the devices on the bronze shields of the Idaean Cave (see P. Blome (supra n.77) 15ff. figs. 5–10).

85 A very good example, because it is three dimensional, is the ‘balsamarlo plastico’ of the second quarter of the 6th c. from Cerveteri (see Martelli , M. , La ceramica degli Etrusci ( 1987 ) 29 n. 95, 139Google Scholar ) where the legs are given separately on the horse's flanks (Fig. 29).

86 E.g. the two warriors at the right of the ship-deck on Aristonothos crater from Cerveteri, side B (cf. M. Martelli (supra n.85) 18 no. 40 (B), 93.

87 E.g. the ivory Mitra no. 15362 in the Nat. Museum at Athens, Marangou , E.L.I. , Lakonische Elfenbein und Beinschnitzereien ( 1969 ) 83 ff.Google Scholar (Fig. 68) with all the bibliography up to the date of publication.

88 I hope I will have the chance to discuss this possibility in another article as soon as I can find some contemporary parallels.

89 See also supra n.80, here Fig. 36.

90 See Hampe , R. – Simon , E. , Tausend Jahre Frühgriechische Kunst ( 1980 ) 48 figs. 67–69, 285Google Scholar , where also the perspective sketch of the trimeres hieron with the decorated architectural parts of the lintels and jambs.


Battle Scene from the Heroon of Trysa - History

1st quarter of 2nd century A.D.
Discovered in Rome, ca. 1540.
Grey marble.
1) H. 164 cm W. 230 cm 2) H. 202 cm W. 170 cm.
Purchased in 1807, formerly in the Borghese collection (MA 978 — Inv. MR 737 MA 1089 — Inv. MR 792).
Restorer: D. Ibled, 2005.

The scene unfolds on two panels sculpted in high relief, which today survive in fragments. On the left panel (159a) are a soothsayer and interpreter of entrails (haruspex) wearing a tunic and cloak, two sacrificial assistants, and a laurel-crowned popa (servant who slays the animal victims) wearing a ceremonial apron with a wide belt. They gather over a dead bull lying on its back. One of the two sacrificial assistants is standing, while the other leans over the newly slaughtered animal to examine its entrails. The popa carries a sacrificial ax over his right shoulder and a bucket in his left hand. On the animal’s front left hoof, the sculptor has inscribed his name: M V[LPIUS] / ORE[S]/TES. Two lictors wearing a sagum, carry a bundle of fasces over their left shoulders: they provide a visual transition to the group presiding over the sacrifice: six toga-clad men, senators (among whom may be the consuls of that year), wearing calcei on their feet, all approach the emperor. At the emperor’s left, in the background, a flamen (priest devoted to a single cult) appears, wearing a pointed headpiece. He is in fact the Flamen Dialis, Jupiter’s priest in Rome, a figure who is rarely represented. The group is assembled in front of the facade of a hexastyle temple.

These reliefs, which have been heavily restored, have been known since the sixteenth century, well before they were incorporated into the facade of the Villa Borghese. A member of the school of Girolamo da Carpi (Gilli collection, Milan) drew them between 1540 and 1560, and they were also depicted by Pierre Jacques de Reims in the Capitol in 1576. 1 Evidence that the two panels do indeed belong together, these sources also give us various additional details of the scene: the pediment of the temple of Jupiter Capitoline and the heads of two toga-clad men, one of whom is bearded, were in the large triangular section now missing from the right-hand panel there was also a depiction of a Winged Victory carrying a banner (vexillum). The pediment and male figures have not survived, but the Victory is in the Valentin de Courcel collection in Paris.

The Louvre’s frieze depicts the religious ceremony, known as a profectio, that preceded the emperor’s departure for a military campaign. This ritual was held on the Capitoline Hill, as indicated by the three symbolically opened doors of the temple of Jupiter Capitoline. Departures for campaigns, as well as victorious returns (adventus), are frequently shown in reliefs. In the case of a profectio, the presentation of the bull at the altar or his actual sacrifice is the most commonly represented (cat. no. 39).

The precise moment depicted in these reliefs is exceptional: it shows the examination of the auspices (haustia consultatoria), to assure that the requisite approval of the gods was secured before any departure on a warlike mission. The scene on the right shows the extispicium, the inspection of the bull’s entrails by the priest in order to interpret the will of Jupiter. The Winged Victory in flight above gives incontrovertible proof of the god’s opinion: the omens are favorable. The only other known depiction of this particular moment of the ritual appears in the frieze of Herôon on the sanctuary of Trysa in Lydia (now part of Turkey).

The related scene shown on the right panel depicts the emperor surrounded by the Flamen Dialis and senators with his right arm raised, he is intoning the nuncupatio votorum (vows of victory). Once the omens are determined to be favorable, the sacrificial priest will place the entrails in the bucket held by the popa for this purpose. The priests will then prepare the organs of the animal to be offered to the god, known as the laeta exta. The heart, liver, and lungs will be burned so that Jupiter can relish their scent. The emperor will soon don his cuirass and paludamentum (military cloak) to take command of the army, fortified by the favor of the gods.

The emperor’s head, which has been restored, was originally turned to the left. His identification can therefore only be determined from the location where the reliefs were discovered, as mentioned by Antonio da Sangallo in his studies on architecture. 2

The author also describes in detail the pediment of Jupiter’s temple, which was drawn by Pierre Jacques among others. This reference, from about 1540, gives us the date and location where the reliefs were discovered. As it alludes to the eastern semicircular structure of the porticoes of Trajan’s Forum, it must be this emperor who is shown here, about to depart on one of his many campaigns against the Dacians or the Parthians.

The Louvre’s reliefs, which were signed by a Greek sculptor who had been freed by Trajan as indicated by his nomen and praenomen, can be compared to other panels on a comparable scale used in the Arch of Constantine. These were part of the large frieze that initially decorated Trajan’s Forum, perhaps beneath the porticoes of the large courtyard in front of the Ulpia basilica. The Louvre’s reliefs are certainly unlike the spirited cavalry charges reused in the Arch of Constantine, and the subject matter is very different but there are several similarities to comparable scenes shown on Trajan’s Column and the Beneventum Arch, including the apron and belt worn by the popa, as well as the bucket he holds. 3

The large frieze from Trajan’s Forum has often been dated to the beginning of Hadrian’s reign (117— 138 ), at least for its completion. The Louvre’s panels also have a number of Hadrianic characteristics the rather full togas are midway between the styles depicted in the Beneventum Arch (ca. 114— 118 ) and the reliefs of Hadrian distributing alimenta (alms) (ca. 136— 138 ), now in the Capitoline Museum. However, the togas of the men declaring the vows are not as full in this depiction. The Victory in the de Courcel collection may also be compared to the allegory of Eternity in the Sabine Apotheosis (ca. 136— 138 ), now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori. In the opinion of I. Scott Ryberg, the drawing in the Codex Vaticanus Latinus, fol. 86c, depicting a bearded toga-clad man, may actually confirm the original presence of Hadrian himself in the missing triangular section of the left panel however, this bearded head is very generic, and more recent excavations in Trajan’s Forum since 1998 have generally diminished the extent of the construction performed during Hadrian’s reign. It is difficult to determine whether a date late in Trajan’s reign or during Hadrian’s is correct for these reliefs however, they represent a unique illustration of the Roman Empire’s state religion at the beginning of the second century

3 The neo-Augustan hairstyles of the surviving heads are often used to support arguments for dating the reliefs to Trajan’s era, but they were in fact reworked in more recent times originally, they were bulkier.

Michon, E. «Les bas-reliefs historiques romains du Musée du Louvre». Monuments et Mémoires — Fondation Eugène Piot, 1909, 17, pp. 217— 223, fig. 11.
Scott Ryberg, I. Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art. Rome: American Academy in Rome, 1955.
Koeppel, G. M. «Profectio und Adventus». Bonner Jahrbuch, 1969, 115, pp. 154— 157, 204— 212, figs. 35— 40.
Zanker, P. «Das Trajansforum in Rom» // Archäologische Anzeiger, 1970, 85, p. 516, figs. 25.
Koeppel, G. M. «Die historischen Reliefs der römischen Kaiserzeit III» // Bonner Jahrbuch, 1985, 185, pp. 154— 157, 204— 212, figs. 35— 40.
Leoncini, L. «Due nuovi disegni dell’extispicium del Louvre» // Xenia, 1988, 15, pp. 29— 32, figs. 1— 3.
Turcan, R. Religion romaine. 1. Les dieux. 2. Le Culte. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988, p. 34.
Goette, H. R. Studien zu römischen Togadarstellungen. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1990, p. 142, no. CA 21.
LIMC, Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae. Zürich— Munich: Artemis, 1981— , s. v. Victoria, p. 263, no. 321, pl. 287.
Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2004— . I, p. 230, fig. 254.
Martinez, 2004a. Les antiques du musée Napoléon, édition illustrée et commentée des volumes V et VI de l’inventaire du Louvre de 1810. Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux, 2004, pp. 479— 480, no. 969— 970.


Battle Scene from the Heroon of Trysa - History

Still in Xanthos, but of the Classical period, the Nereid Monument is also a tomb, but of a different architectural type. It is certainly Classical, but its date is disputed: in the absence of any independent information, the sculptural style is our only clue. The building of the Monument is usually dated to the last third of the fifth century, but some scholars have put it as early as 460 or as late as 360 BC. Only the foundations remain in Xanthos itself the entire elevation was taken to the British Museum to be reassembled there. A raised stylobate bears a small Ionic temple with peristyle which formed the funerary chamber. It is profusely ornamented with sculpture. The stylobate, first, has two friezes, one above the other. The lower frieze, which is also the larger, presents a kind of pseudo-Amazonomachy with warriors shown naked in the Greek style, fighting enemies dressed in the Persian style. The upper frieze probably illustrates some military exploit of the occupant of the tomb, but with scenes which have no counterpart in the imagery of Greece itself the besieged are shown coming out from behind the crenellated wall of their city, and their surrender is received by the victorious dynast seated on a throne in the shade of a parasol. Then, above the stylobate and between the columns, come the twelve female statues with marine attributes who have been interpreted as Nereids, and who give this anonymous tomb its conventional name. The architrave depicts scenes of bear-hunting and boar-hunting, and a procession of people coming to pay tribute, while a fourth frieze, above the cella, depicts scenes of sacrifice and a funeral feast. The two pediments are also embellished: on the east, the main façade, the dynast and his wife sit enthroned among their court, and the west pediment depicts a scene of combat. The carved decoration is complemented by akroteria: those on the roof-ridge show abductions, those on the sides female figures. The imagery here is not as completely enigmatic as on the Monument of the Harpies there can be no doubt that the scenes of war and surrender are meant to commemorate the dead man’s exploits but the eschatological references elude us for the same reasons as before, and reams have been written trying to explain why the twelve alleged “Nereids” were placed around a tomb.

Still in Lycia, and also dating from the second half of the fifth century, the Heroon of Trysa is another funerary monument. This is an enclosed building, of which the insides of the walls and the outside walls around the door were covered with reliefs which are now preserved in Vienna. Of about six hundred feet of frieze, only about one-eighth is lost, and at five hundred and eighty human figures arranged on two levels, one above the other, this is one of the largest sculptural ensembles to have come down to us from antiquity. Some of the subjects can be explained by the function of the building: dancers with calathi (baskets) on their heads frame the outside of the door, there are gods of Egyptian appearance playing music over the lintel, and scenes of banqueting and dancing. The rest of the decoration does not seem to be connected with the dead person’s earthly life, as in the Nereid Monument, but is borrowed from Greek mythology — an Amazonomachy, the Calydonsan Hunt, the story of the Seven Against Thebes, and above all the Trojan cycle. Some rather complicated hypotheses have been constructed in the effort to identify personal allusions. As in the Nereid Monument, and unlike most relief in Greece itself, these scenes also include depictions of the city walls.

The fourth monument is the Mausoleum of Halikarnassos, which was counted as one of the Seven Wonders of the World. Although it has now been destroyed and is reduced to a few fragments, its fame in its own day means that we have a good deal of information about its construction and appearance. Among other writings, there are two quite long passages by Vitruvius and Pliny the Elder. The Mausoleum was built for a Carian ruler called Mausolos — hence the name of his tomb, now in use as a common noun — who died in 353 BC, it was comniissioned by his wife Artemisia. She called in Greek artists, two architects and five sculptors: Skopas, Bryaxis, Timotheos and Leochares, who took charge of the decoration of the east, north, south and west sides respectively, and Pythis, creator of the marble quadriga which crowned the monument. Pliny adds some comments on its architecture which have been taken as guidelines for the countless reconstructions suggested in our own time: rectangular in plan, it had a colonnade of thirty-six columns holding up a pyramidal roof at an angle of twenty-four degrees. Plaques from a frieze still survive from the sculpture of the Mausoleum and are nowadays in the British Museum. They show an Amazonomachy, a centauromachy and a chariot race, and they continue to provide material for the common but futile game of making attributions. For no particular reason, one writer will attribute this piece or that to Skopas, while another prefers to see it as the work of Timotheos. We also still have some statues, including statues a long—haired, moustachcd man in oriental dress and of a woman, customarily called Mausolos and Artemisia, and there arc some twenty lions.

Finally, we may add to these four great funerary monuments of the neighbouring provinces of Lycia and Caria the sarcophagi discovered so a necropolis near Sidon in ancient Phoenicia. Like the much later sarcophagi of the Imperial period, these are marble chests with lids, their sides ornamented with reliefs. The sarcophagus known as the “Sarcophagus of the Sarrap”, dating from the middle of the fifth century, has been given that name for its representation of the life of an oriental ruler, seen banqueting, enthroned and hunting. Another sarcophagus, probably of some decades later, has a tall, arched lid of the kind usual in Lycia, and has therefore been dubbed ‘Lycian Sarcophagus”. The cover is carved with sphinxes and griffins, there arc scenes of a centauromachy o the short sides of the chest, boys in quadrigas hunting kiln on one of the long sides, and horsemen, naked but wearing petasi or tiaras, hunting wild boar on the other. The fourth-century “Sarcophagus of the Mourning Women” takes its name from its very unusual decoration, reminiscent of the standing female statues between the columns of the Nereid Monument. Ionic columns are carved on the sides of the chest, linked half-way up by a parapet upon which draped women in grief—stricken attitudes are sitting or leaning. Last, and dating from the end of the century, the 𔃴Alexander Sarcophagus” shows a battle between Greeks and Persians on two consecutive sides of the chest, with hunting scenes on the other sides (the creatures being hunted are the stag, lion and panther). The “Alexander Sarcophagus” never contained the mortal remains of the famous conqueror. In fact we know nothing about the makers or occupants of any of the tombs described above, with the sole exception of the Mausoleum, which escaped such anonymity because of its fame as one of the Wonders of the World. In the case of the Mausoleum, we are lucky enough to know that a non-Greek ruler of Caria, part of the Persian Empire, or rather his wife Artemisia, commissioned Greek sculptors and architects to build and decorate a vast tomb at Halikarnaisos, not particularly surprising when we remember that this city, situated on the Anatolian coast, was only a few sea miles from the island of Kos, so that it was very natural for its people to be familiar with Greek art and appreciate it. There we know the name of the person who commissioned the work and the artists who carried it out, but although their equivalents elsewhere may remain anonymous they must have been people of the same kind: “barbarians” (the term used in ancient Greece for all non—Hellenes), influenced and attracted by Hellenism, who commissioned Greek artists, or at least artists trained in the Greek manner. Commissions of this nature, bringing Greeks to work in foreign countries, explain the special character of these monuments. In one way it ii easy to understand why they regularly feature in books on Greek art one hardly needs to say that the friezes of the Mausoleum of Halikarnasios are entirely in keeping with other contemporary Greek relief, since we know for certain they are by Skopas or one of his colleagues. Moreover, the unknown creator of the Nereidi made statues in the round, very like the reliefs on the Acropolis at Athens or the Victories on the parapet of the temple of Athena Nike in their variety of attitudes, and their wind—blown or wet draperies clinging to the body. Similarly, the cavalcade of boar-hunters on the “Lycian Sarcophagus” at Sidon is reminiscent of the horsemen in the Panathenaic frieze, and the quadrigas hunting the lion are not inferior to similar Athenian votive reliefs. More examples could easily be given.


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