1353 BCE - 1318 BCE
Reign of Ashur-Uballit I who conquers the Hittites and expands Assyria's territory.
c. 1318 BCE - 1307 BCE
Period of stagnation for the empire.
1307 BCE - 1275 BCE
Reign of Adad Nirari I, King of Assyria.
Adad Nirari I comes to the throne and revitalizes the empire. Begins military campaigns.
Shalmaneser I takes the throne following Adad Nirari I's death.
Adad-nirari was a son and predecessor of king Shamshi-Adad V, and was apparently quite young at the time of his accession, because for the first five years of his reign, his mother Shammuramat  was highly influential, which has given rise to the legend of Semiramis. 
It is widely rejected that his mother acted as regent, but she was surprisingly influential for the time period. 
He was the father of kings Ashur-nirari V, Shalmaneser IV, and Ashur-dan III. Tiglath-Pileser III described himself as a son of Adad-nirari in his inscriptions, but it is uncertain if this is true.
Adad-nirari's youth, and the struggles his father had faced early in his reign, caused a serious weakening for the Assyrian rulership over Mesopotamia, and gave way to the ambitions of the most officers, governors, and the local rulers.
According to Adad-nirari's inscriptions, he led several military campaigns with the purpose of regaining the strength Assyria enjoyed in the times of his grandfather Shalmaneser III.
According to the eponym canon, he campaigned in all directions until the last of his 28 years of reign (783 BC), and he was the builder of the temple of Nabu at Nineveh. Among his actions was a siege of Damascus in the time of Ben-Hadad III in 796 BC, which led to the eclipse of the Aramaean Kingdom of Damascus and allowed the recovery of Israel under Jehoash (who paid the Assyrian king tribute at this time) and Jeroboam II.
Despite Adad-nirari's vigour, Assyria entered a several-decades-long period of weakness following his death.
Adad-Nirari is known through two documents the letter codenamed (EA 51) sent by the Nuhaššite king to the pharaoh of Egypt, [note 1]  and the so-called "Niqmaddu Treaty" between Šuppiluliuma I and the Ugaritic king Niqmaddu II.  Following his second Syrian foray, [note 2] Šuppiluliuma sent an offer of alliance to the Nuhaššite king Adad-Nirari rejected, and despite being a vassal of Mitanni, he sent the letter codenamed (EA 51) to ask Egypt for help and troops.  Adad-Nirari might have asked Mitanni for help but the latter was unable to send it and it seems that Egypt did not respond as well. 
Nuhašše revolted against the Hittites,  but Ugarit, which was sent an alliance offer by Šuppiluliuma, eventually accepted the vassalage Adad-Nirari allied himself with Niya and Mukiš then attacked Ugarit.   According to Niqmaddu II, the troops of Adad-Nirari and his allies seized the cities of Ugarit, took booty and devastated the land.  Thomas Richter believes that the coalition's attack triggered Šuppiluliuma's first Syrian war. [note 3]  The Hittite king, after receiving an appeal from his Ugaritic vassal, sent an army which defeated the coalition  the fate of Adad-Nirari is unknown as the Hittites make no mention of what happened to him. 
As king of Nuhašše Edit
There is a great deal of confusion over the identity of Adad-Nirari as king of Nuhašše and his position in the succession of the Nuhaššite monarchs.  The Hittite documents mention two kings of Nuhašše in the first Syrian war in the Niqmaddu treaty, "Adad-Nirari" is mentioned.  In the Hittite-Mitannian treaty (the Shattiwaza treaty, concluded during the second Syrian war), [note 4]  and the treaty between Šuppiluliuma and the Nuhaššite king Tette, "Šarrupši" is mentioned.   Most scholars agree that the events mentioned in the Niqqmadu and Shattiwaza treaties depict the events of the first Syrian war.  Judging by letter (EA 51), Adad-Nirari was the king during the first Syrian war.  However, the treaty with Tette makes it clear that Šarrupši was the king when Šuppiluliuma attacked Išuwa,  an event which started the first Syrian war as the Shattiwaza treaty shows.  Many scholars dealt with the problem and offered different and contradictory opinions: 
- Adad-Nirari preceded Šarrupši: according to Richter, in the beginning of the first Syrian war, the king of Nuhašše was Adad-nirari and Šarrupši was a Hittite protégé put on the throne by Šuppiluliuma.  Richter does not explain the Shattiwaza treaty's silence over the fate of Adad-Nirari. Amnon Altman suggested that Šarrupši was a claimant to the throne and the reason for not mentioning the fate of Adad-Nirari in the treaty of Shattiwaza is, according to Altman: "Adad-Nirari was not mentioned, because he managed to escape from the Hittites, and Šuppiluliuma for some reason took it as a disgrace and sign of not full submission of Nuhašše and thus decided not to mention Adad-Nirari in the Šattiwaza treaty at all."  Altman himself admits that his answer is inadequate. 
- Šarrupši preceded Adad-Nirari: Trevor R. Bryce considered Šarrupši to have accepted the Hittite vassalage causing Tushratta of Mitanni to kill him he was succeeded by Adad-Nirari who also belonged to the royal family and was willing to be a vassal of Mitanni. Jacques Freu suggested that the date of the Nuhaššite attack on Ugarit followed the end of the first Syrian war, and took place at the beginning of the six-year war (second Syrian war).  Freu's hypothesis have Šarrupši ruling during the first Syrian war, a predecessor of Adad-Nirari. 
- Adad-Nirari and Šarrupši are the same person: Daria Gromova suggested that Adad-Nirari was the Amorite name of the king while Šarrupši was his Hurrian name.  This was not a unique situation in the Near East when a ruling class had a foreign ethnic roots which was the case in Nuhašše as the population was West-Semitic while the monarchs had Hurrian names. 
- Adad-Nirari ruled simultaneously with Šarrupši: Horst Klengel suggested this solution but this does not explain why the treaty of Shattiwaza makes no mention of Adad-Nirari who was the main insurgent from Nuhašše. 
- Adad-Nirari interrupted the reign of Šarrupši: also suggested by Klengel who maintained that Adad-Nirari usurped Šarrupši's throne for a short period before being overthrown and Šarrupši reinstated. 
As a possible king of Qatna Edit
The inventories of Qatna mentions a king named Adad-Nirari Michael Astour suggested identifying the Qatanite king with the Nuhaššite monarch and was followed by Richter,  who believes that Adad-Nirari ruled Qatna through a šakkanakku (military governor) called Lullu mentioned in the Qatanite inventories.  The hypothesis of Richter presents Adad-Nirari of Nuhašše as the ruler of a vast state, the second Syrian power after Mitanni,  who was removed by the Hittites and had his kingdom split into three parts: Nuhašše itself, Qatna and Ugulzat. 
The Shattiwaza treaty clearly mentioned Qatna as a different realm from Nuhašše during the first Syrian war If Qatna was part of the Nuhaššite kingdom, its submission to the Hittites would not have been mentioned separately.  Freu rejected Richter's hypothesis citing different arguments, he concluded that Adad-Nirari of Nuhašše was a contemporary of Idadnda of Qatna, a successor of the Qatanite Adad-Nirari. 
Shalmaneser V Ώ] was king of Assyria and Babylon from 727 to 722 BC. He first appears as governor of Zimirra in Phoenicia in the reign of his father, Tiglath-Pileser III. Evidence pertaining to his reign is scarce.
On the death of Tiglath-Pileser, he succeeded to the throne of Assyria on the 25th day of Tebet 727 BC, ΐ] and changed his original name of Ululayu to the Akkadian name he is known by. While it has been suggested that he continued to use Ululayu for his throne name as king of Babylonia, this has not been found in any authentic official sources. Α]
The name Shalmaneser is used for him in the Bible, Β] which attributes to him the final conquest of the kingdom of Samaria (Israel) and the deportation of Israelites. According to 2 Kings, chapters 17-18, Shalmaneser accused Hoshea, King of Israel, of conspiring against him by sending messages to Pharaoh Osorkon IV of Egypt, and captured him. The Egyptians attempted to gain a foothold in Israel, then held largely by Assyria's vassal kings, by stirring them to revolt against Assyria and lending them some military support. Γ] After three years of siege he took the city of Samaria. The populations he deported to various lands of the empire, (together with ones deported about ten years earlier by Tiglath-Pileser III) are known as the "Ten Lost Tribes" of Israel. The populations he settled in Samaria instead form the origins of the Samaritans, according to a commentary in the Bible. [ citation needed ] It is also mentioned in the Book of Tobit in chapter 1 verses 2 and 15. Shalmaneser died in the same year, 722 BC, and it is possible that the population exchanges were done by his successor Sargon II.
In the book of Tobit, chapter 1, the exiled Tobit is shown finding favor in the court of "Enemessar", only to lose influence under Sennacherib.
Adad-nirari I, King of Assyria
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adad-nirari_I Adad-nirari IFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search Axe blade with the name Adad-nārārī I: Kassite period.[i 1] in the Louvre.Adad-nārārī I, rendered in all but two inscriptions ideographically as mdadad-ZAB+DAḪ, meaning (is) my helper,” (1307 BC or 1295 - 1263 BC short chronology) was a king of Assyria. He is the earliest Assyrian king whose annals survive in any detail. Adad-nārārī I achieved major military victories that significantly strengthened the Assyrian kingdom and enabled Assyria to start to play a major role in Mesopotamian politics. In his inscriptions from Assur  he calls himself son of Arik-den-ili, the same filiations is recorded inthe Nassouhi kinglist[i 2]. He recorded as a son of lIlil-nerari in the Khorsabad kinglist[i 3] and the SDAS kinglist,[i 4], probably in error.
Contents [hide] 1 Biography 1.1 The Adad-nārārī epic 2 Inscriptions 3 Notes 4 References
 BiographyHe boasted that he was the ter of the heroic armies of the Kassites (their Babylonian neighbors to the south), Qutu (their eastern Gutean neighbors), Lullumu (the Lullubi tribesmen immediately east of Assyria) and Shubaru (“northerners”). pacifier of all enemies above and below.” The defeat of Nazi-Maruttaš’ Kassite forces must have been particularly sweet as his father 𠇌ould not rectify the calamities inflicted by the king of the Kassite lands,” during his reign. It took place at the town of Kār Ištar in the province of Ugarsulu and victory was assured when Adad Nirari’s army fell on the Kassite camp “like a devastating flood,” as described gloatingly by Tukulti-Ninurta I in his eponymous epic,[i 5] plundering and carrying off his royal standard.[i 6] This triumph resulted in a border realignment with Assyria extending its territory south, into Pilasqu, the city of Arman in Ugarsallu and Lullumu.
Nazi-Maruttaš’ successor, Kadašman-Turgu was sufficiently motivated to secure peace that he seems to have agreed to a humiliating treaty with Adad Nirari where “he pardoned his (Nazi-Maruttaš’) son of the crime,” twice.[i 7] This allowed the Assyrians to turn their attention to the conquest of the Mitanni. Under Shattiwaza, Hanigalbat had become a vassal state of the Hittite empire, celebrated with a treaty, as a buffer to the ascendant Assyrians. But treaties were between individual kings during the late bronze age as nation states had yet to emerge and with the accession of Shattuara I in Hanigalbat and Urhi Teššup as Mursili III of the Hittites and a waning of Hittite engagement in international affairs, the former may have sought to adopt a more independent position. According to Adad-nārārī, conflict was triggered by Shattuara’s preemptive attack which resulted in defeat and capture of the Mitanni king, who was taken to Aššur and forced to swear fealty as a vassal of the Assyrians,[i 8] apparently without the intervention of the Hittites, providing regular tribute for the remainder of his reign. Bolstered by his military victories, Adad-nārārī pronounced himself ᘚr kišᘚti, “king of the universe,” in imitation of his ancient predecessor Shamshi-Adad I, and impertinently greeted his Hittite counterpart on equal terms as a fellow “great king.” He invited himself to visit Amman Mountain (Amanus, a cult center perhaps?) in his 𠇋rother’s” territory, drawing a scathing put down from Urhi Teššup,
So you’ve become a “Great King,” have you? But why do you still continue to speak about 𠇋rotherhood” and about coming to Mt. Ammana. For what reason should I call you 𠇋rother”?𠉭o those who are not on familiar terms with each other call each other 𠇋rother”? Why then should I call you 𠇋rother”? Were you and I born of the same mother? As my grandfather and my father did not call the King of Assyria 𠇋rother,” you should not keep writing to me (about) 𠇌oming” and “Great King-ship.” It displeases me. —Urhi Teššup, Tablet KUB 23:102, obverse column I lines 1 to 19, edited.[i 9] By the time Hattušili overthrew Urhi Teššup, the conquest was a fête accompli and a sheepish Hattušili was to request that Adad-nārārī intervene to curb the incursions of the people of Turira, a Hanigalbat frontier town, against those of Carchemish, still a loyal Hittite vassal, “If Turira is yours, smash it. If Turira is not yours, write to me so that I may smash it. The possessions of your troops who are dwelling in the city shall not be claimed.” Hattušili’s main complaint, however, was the breach in protocol caused when Adad-nārārī snubbed his inauguration: “It is the custom that when kings assume kingship, the kings, his equals in rank, send him appropriate [gifts of greeting]. Clothing befitting kingship, and fine [oil] for his anointing. But you did not do this today.” He was at great pains to placate his Assyrian counterpart following the “sad experiences” encountered by his envoys in their dealings with his predecessor and call on Adad-nārārī to confirm with his own envoy, Bel-qarrad, that he had been treated well by Hattušili. Although still in the Bronze Age, Iron was not unknown and Hattušili goes on to discuss Adad-nārārī’s request for the metal:
In regard to the good iron about which you wrote to me – good iron is not available in my armory in the city of Kizzuwatna. I have written that it is a bad time for making iron. They will make good iron, but they have not yet finished it. When they finish it, I will send it to you. For the moment, I have sent you a dagger blade of iron. —Hattušili, Tablet KBo I:14, lines 20 to 24.[i 10] Conflict with Hanigalbat resumed when Shattuara’s son, Wasashatta, rebelled and engaged with the Hittites for support. Adad-nārārī was later to gloat that the Hittites took his gifts but gave nothing in return when he counterattacked, sacking and plundering the cities of Amasaku, Kahat, Shuru, Nabula, Hurra, Irridu, Shuduhu and Washshukanu,[i 8] places largely as yet unidentified, destroying the city of Taida and sowing kudimmus over it.[nb 1] The denouement took place at Irridu (Ordi?) where he was captured and, along with his extended family and court, deported in fetters to Aššur where he vanished from history. Adad-nārārī annexed the kingdom of Hanigalbat, enslaved its people,[nb 2] and appointed a governor drawn from the Assyrian aristocracy. While the name of this individual is unknown, one of his successors, during the later reign of Šulmanu-aᘚredu, was Qibi Assur who founded a short dynasty of Assyrian viceroys ruling over this region.
The seat of Assyrian governance was possibly Wasashatta’s former capital, Taida, because his monumental steles recounted that it “had become dilapidated and (he) removed its debris. (He) restored it,”[i 11] rebuilding the palace replete with a suitably boastful commemorative inscription prepared but never installed as it was found in the ruins of Assur. His building restorations in the city of Assur were celebrated in monumental inscriptions and include the Step Gate of the temple of the god Ashur, various of the city’s walls, its quay along the river Tigris, the temple of Ishtar and the storehouses of the gate of An and Adad.
His reign lasted for 33 years, but only around 12 Limmu officials, from the Assyrian Eponym dating system have been identified, primarily from monumental inscriptions, and these include Shulmanu-qarradu, Andarasina, Ashur-eresh, variant Ashur-erish (son of Abattu), Ana-Ashur-qalla (officer of the palace), Iti-ili-ashamshu, Sha-Adad-ninu, Qarrad-Ashur, Assur-dammiq,[i 12] Sin-n[a….],[i 13] Ninurta-emuqaya,[i 14] Bရu-a-iddina and Adad-šumu-lesir, the eponym in whose year he died. Bရu-a-iddina was a high ranking official, some sources say 𠇌hancellor,” son of Ibassi-ili, who served under Adad-nārārī and his two successors. He celebrated his eponym year towards the end of Adad-nārārī’s reign as attested in texts relating the activities of Assur-kasid son of Sin-apla-eris at Billa. His archive, called 𠇊rchive 14410,” consisting of 60 tablets was found in a tomb under a house in Assur.
A bronze sword of Adad-nārārī I can be seen in the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
 The Adad-nārārī epicThis historical epic is extant in four fragments[i 15] and concerns the conflict between Adad-nārārī and his Babylonian contemporary Nazi-Maruttash, with whom he clashes and ultimately vanquishes in battle. The surviving pieces do not allow for a detailed narrative to be reconstructed. They do, however, suggest a sequence of events, where Adad-nārārī harks back to the setbacks faced by his father, “the seed of the men has disappeared forever,” his petitioning of the god ᘊmaš, “O ᘊmaš you are the true judge,” in preparation for his denouement with “the unjust Kassite king,” and so on.
Being a part of the “Brotherhood of Kings”
Being a part of this fraternal group was highly exclusive. Only Great Kings were permitted to send ambassadors to other Great Kings, receive the symbolic sulmanu greeting-gift, and conduct business in the fraternal group. xvi This act of conformity was called parsu, the code of international norms and customs between equal Great Kings. xvii Negotiation was an activity solely and exclusively reserved for the great power members of the diplomatic club the very agreement to negotiate was synonymous with acknowledgment of one’s equal status. Vassal principalities, in contrast, were entirely excluded from diplomacy and were not entitled to send messengers to states other than their sovereign. They might beg him for a favor, but the give-andtake of a negotiation was closed to them. In accord with this principle of kinship, Great Kings thought of themselves as entering a fraternal relationship when they established diplomatic ties. As brothers, they were members of the same family and household, united by bonds of love and friendship. xviii They addressed each other quite naturally as ‘brother’, sent presents, asked after each other’s health, and participated in ‘life-cycle’ events such as mourning on the death of a foreign king. To further cement their relations, they sometimes entered dynastic marriages.
An example of this familial bond is found in a letter written circa 1270 B.C.E. by the Hittite king Hattusili to “the great king. my brother” Kadashman-Enlil II of Babylonia. The message reflects a calculated attempt by Hattusili to conciliate Kadashman-Enlil after a period of weakened communication between the two countries. The Hittite king offers several political concessions to secure Babylonia as an ally against Assyria. Yet the document’s language and arguments used take a familial tone. Hattusili, in formulaic terms, describes the well-being of his family and possessions and inquires after the Babylonian king. Afterwards, Hattusili presents the moral basis for resuming close political cooperation:
When your father and I established diplomatic relations and when we became like loving brothers, we did not become brothers for one day only did we not establish permanent brotherly relations based on equal standing? We [then] made the following agreement: We are only human beings the survivor shall protect the interests of the sons of the one of us who has gone to his fate. While the gods have kept me alive and preserved my rule, your father passed away and I mourned him as befits our brotherly relationship xix
In this letter, we see clear evidence of the brotherly bond that the Great Kings created with each other. We also see another development here: when one of the Great Kings passes away, the familial bond carries throughout generations. Hattusili evokes this when rekindling a political alliance with Babylonia. Though the language used is that of a family letter, there is obvious political significance to the actual content of the letter. The reverse of this depiction is presented in a letter from the same Hattusili to his rival Adad-nirari I, King of Assyria, who had just conquered Mittani and now claimed the title of Great King. The Hittite monarch angrily rejected this pretension:
With respect to brotherhood . about which you speak - what does brotherhood mean? . With what justification do you write about brotherhood . Are not friends those who write to each other about brotherhood? Were perhaps you and I born of the same mother? As my [father] and my grandfather did not write to the king of Ashur [about brotherhood], even so must you not write [about brotherhood and] Great-kingship to me xx
Hattusili did not intend to accept any of the obligations implicit in an acknowledgment of Adad-nirari’s status of Great King. He would not legitimize his conquest, treat him as an equal, underwrite his rule, or make common cause with him. This significant exchange confirms that the notion of brotherhood was not an empty formula, but a solemn bond entailing far-reaching political consequences. The terminology of brotherhood was not simply a form of polite address accompanying a pragmatic relationship of mutual benefit. Had the Hittite and Assyrian kings already been linked by fraternal ties from the time of their forefathers, Hattusili would have found it difficult to evade the moral and political implications of the relationship.
Adad-nirari II was a king of Assyria and considered the first king of the Neo-Assyrian Empire and responsible for revitalizing the empire from a long period of decline and stagnation. He was the son of Ashur-dan II and reigned between 911 BCE and 891 BCE. Adad-nirari II had a son named Tukulti-Ninurta II who would later become the king of Assyria.
Adad-nirari II was responsible for launching several military campaigns that increased the regional power and territory of Assyria, ultimately creating the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Following a major battle at the convergence of the Khabur and Euphrates Rivers in 910 BCEHh he managed to conquer and deport the entire Aramean population who was causing Assyria much social strife by conquering the cities of Kadmuh and Nisibin. Following this he went on to subjugate the Hittites and the Hurrians.
He then went on to defeat the leader of Babylonia named Shamash-mudammiq and was able to annex all of the territory north of the Diyala River along with the towns of Hit and Zanqu. Adad-nirari II was able to push even further into Babylonia in successive military campaigns against Nabu-shuma-ukin I. In addition to gathering a massive amount of wealth for the Neo-Assyrian Empire he was also able to conquer and control the Kabur river region and expand many trade routes in the ancient world which linked the regions of Anatolia with all of the rest of Mesopotamia along with Egypt and the rest of the area around the Mediterranean basin.
page 523 note 1 Cf. Weidner , in Babyloniacavi, 28 Google Scholar .
page 525 note 1 This in reality the obverse, see copy, Obv. 33.
page 525 note 2 Nothing now remains of this name on K. 2655, and LUGAL at the beginning has now disappeared.
page 525 note 3 The signs ṢAB-GAB = nirari are possible at end of Obv. 34.
page 526 note 1 In reality the reverse. See Rev. 1–9.
page 526 note 2 See Rev. 20–38.
page 527 note 1 I have joined up the three tablets and am of the opinion that there was only onecolumn on each face. The break on the left side is beyond the middle of the tablet. [S. L.]
page 528 note 1 The extracts from the Taylor Cylinder are given on the reverse.
page 528 note 2 See also the duplicate in Luckenbill , , Sennacherib, p. 46 , 8 ffGoogle Scholar .
page 528 note 3 Read pir-šu ri-it-mu-ku. See Luckenbill, ibid., 46, 9.
page 529 note 1 The text omits si-ma-ni.
page 529 note 2 The space does not permit the full text of the cylinder. It surely read kitrub taḫazi umašširu and omitted šain line 10.
page 529 note 3 The sign is Br. 4251 with inserted , written Br. 4243 + KAN. See Thureau-Dangin, REC., 292 Meisner , , SAI, p. 155 noteGoogle Scholar . Read pagrê.
page 531 note 1 Sign RAB-GAN+BAD =Pagru.See King , , Magic, 2 , 22Google Scholar V Raw., 46, 28, Ancient sign, Thureau-Dangin, REC., 291. A variant is it / + BADe Sumerian value ad= pagru, Delitzsch, Sumerisches Glossar,273, and Yal. Syllabary,166.
page 532 note 1 I copied amel…ekalli here. [S. L.]
page 532 note 2 Here Dr. Johns did not complete the text by adding the new join, K. 2655. See obv. 27–36.
page 533 note 1 But see RA., xiv, 8, 51. kimmatu is now known to mean “hair of the head”. Since sū-lal = ziḳnu “beard”, and suǵur-lal = ziḳnatu, and mes-sū-lal = badulu “youth” (RA., xiv, 85, 15), sal suǵur-lal may well = batultu.
page 536 note 1 See now Jean , C. F. , RA ., xxi , 93 – 104 ( 1924 )Google Scholar . The “Seven gods” are the Pleiades.
- Roaf, Michael. A mezopotámiai világ atlasza (magyar nyelven). Budapest: Helikon – Magyar Könyvklub (1998). ISBN 963 208 507 8
- Ókori keleti történeti chrestomathia., Szerk.: Harmatta János, Budapest: Osiris. ISSN 1218 9855 (2003). ISBN 963 389 425 5
- Okladnyikov, Alekszej Pavlovics.szerk.: J. P. Francev: Mitanni hanyatlása és Asszíria megerősése, Világtörténet tíz kötetben, I. kötet, Kossuth Kiadó, 312. o.  (1962)
- Gyjakonov, Igor Mihajlovics.szerk.: J. P. Francev: Urartu és Transzkaukázia, a kimmerek és szkíták, Világtörténet tíz kötetben, I. kötet, Kossuth Kiadó, 506. o.  (1962)
Ikunum • Tudija • Adamu • Janki • Szuhlamu • Harharu • Mandaru • Imszu • Harsu • Didanu • Hana • Zuabu • Nuabu • Abazu • Belu • Azarah • Uspia • Apiasal • Hale • Samani • Hajani • Ilu-Mer • Jakmeszi • Jakmeni • Jazkur-ilu • Ila-kabkabi • Aminu • Szulili • Kikkija • Akija • I. Puzur-Assur • Salim-ahum • Ilu-súma • I. Érisum
III. Adad-nirári (asszír adad-nirārī vagy adad-nārārī) asszír király az i. e. 9–8. század fordulóján, V. Samsi-Adad és Sammuramat fia.
Asszíria V. Samsi-Adad idején átmeneti gyenge periódusba került, a trónra lépését megelőző (i. e. 827–822) belső instabilitás hatása még sokáig fennmaradt. Ráadásul az uralkodó korán meghalt, így a trónon kiskorú fia követte. Adad-nirári kiskorúságát, Sammuramat régensségét és királynőségét néha vitatják, mindenesetre Nergal-eres sztéléje arra mutat, hogy az özvegy anyakirályné használta a királynői címet. Ha azonban Adad-nirári kiskorú volt még i. e. 811-ben, az i. e. 783-as halála alapján ő is viszonylag fiatalon halt meg, negyvenéves kora körül.
Adad-nirári elődeihez hasonlóan kereskedővárost alapított a középső Eufrátesz vidékén, amelynek neve Kár-Adad-nirári lett. A név elején az akkád kárum („rakpart, kereskedelmi telep”) szó rejlik.  Hadjáratokat indított Szíriába, eljutott egészen Egyiptomig, és a Kaszpi-tenger felé a médek ellen. Emellett az apja által elfoglalt Babilonban megszilárdította hatalmát azzal, hogy hazaengedte a Babilonból kitelepítetteket és az onnan elrabolt istenszobrokat.
Sikerei azonban nem voltak teljesek, i. e. 800 körül Menua urartui király betört Asszíriába, és területeket foglalt. Ez volt az első alkalom, hogy Urartu nem csak védekező, hanem támadó hadjáratban is sikeres volt Asszíria ellen. Az északi fenyegetést Adad-nirárinak haláláig nem sikerült felszámolni. Ez azzal az eredménnyel járt, hogy az Asszíria által fenyegetett szíriai királyságok védelmi koalícióba tömörültek, és Urartuval szövetkeztek, és Asszíriát mind a nyugati, mind az északi kereskedelmi útvonalaktól elszigetelték.
A külpolitikai kudarcok hatására Adad-nirári fiának, IV. Sulmánu-asarídunak kellett a belső viszályokkal szembenézni, ami testvére, III. Assur-dán i. e. 772-es trónra kerülése után i. e. 758-ig meghatározta Asszíria lehetőségeit. Valójában csak Adad-nirári harmadik fia, V. Assur-nirári halála után, III. Tukulti-apil-ésarra reformjaival állt helyre Asszíria katonai potenciálja.
The Early Iron Age (12th to 7th centuries BC). While not subject to the long versus short dating issue, chronology in the Ancient Near East is not on a firm footing until the rise of the Neo-Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian rulers in their respective regions. The dates, regnal lengths, and even the names of a number of rulers from that interim period are still unknown. To make matters worse, the few surviving records, such as the Synchronistic Chronicle, give conflicting data. [ 41 ]
After the fall of the Kassite dynasty of Babylon to Elam, power in the region, and control of Babylon, swung to the city-state of Isin. Assyria at this time was extremely weak, except during the reign of the powerful Assyrian ruler Tiglath-Pileser I. Other polities in the area had yet to recover from the Bronze Age collapse. [ 42 ] [ 43 ]
|Marduk-kabit-aḫḫēšu||1157 - 1140 BC|
|Itti-Marduk-balāṭu||1139 - 1132 BC|
|Ninurta-nādin-šumi||1131 - 1126 BC||Contemporary of Ashur-resh-ishi I of Assyria|
|Nebuchadnezzar I||1125 - 1104 BC||Orig. Nabu-kudurri-usur, Contemporary of Ashur-resh-ishi I|
|Enlil-nadin-apli||1103 - 1100 BC||Son of Nebuchadnezzar I|
|Marduk-nadin-ahhe||1099 - 1082 BC||Contemporary of Tiglath-Pileser I of Assyria|
|Marduk-šāpik-zēri||1081 - 1069 BC||Contemporary of Ashur-bel-kala of Assyria|
|Adad-apla-iddina||1168 - 1147 BC||Contemporary of Ashur-bel-kala|
|Marduk-zer-X||1045 - 1034 BC|
|Nabû-šuma-libūr||1033 - 1026 BC|
After the Middle Assyrian Kingdom there is an uncertain period in Assyrian history. The current cornerstone of chronology for this time is the Assyrian King List which, unfortuneately, conflicts with other records such as the Synchronised King List and the Babylonian King List. In any event, the rulers of Assyria in this time were all fairly weak, except for Tiglath-Pileser I. Note too that this chronology is based on assumed synchronisms with Egypt in the previous period.
|Ashur-Dan I||1179–1133 BC||Son of Ninurta-apal-Ekur|
|Ashur-resh-ishi I||1133–1115 BC|
|Tiglath-Pileser I||1115–1076 BC|
|Eriba-Adad II||1056–1054 BC|
|Shamshi-Adad IV||1054–1050 BC|
|Ashur-nasir-pal I||1050–1031 BC|
|Shalmaneser II||1031–1019 BC|
|Ashur-nirari IV||1019–1013 BC|
|Ashur-rabi II||1013 – 972 BC|
|Ashur-resh-ishi II||972 – 967 BC|
|Tiglath-Pileser II||967 – 935 BC|
|Ashur-Dan II||935 – 912 BC|
Dynasties V to IX of Babylon (post-Kassite):
|Simbar-šipak||1025 - 1008 BC||Dynasty V - Second Sealand Dynasty|
|Kaššu-nādin-aḫi||1008 - 1004 BC|
|Eulmaš-šākin-šumi||1004 - 987 BC||Dynasty VI - Bῑt-Bazi Dynasty|
|Ninurta-kudurrῑ-uṣur I||987 - 985 BC|
|Mâr-bîti-apla-uṣur||985 - 979 BC||Dynasty VII - Dynasty of "Elam"|
|Nabû-mukin-apli||979 - 943 BC||Dynasty VIII - Dynasty of E|
|Ninurta-kudurri-usur II||943 BC||Dynasty IX|
|Mar-biti-ahhe-iddina||943 - 920 BC|
|Šamaš-mudammiq||circa 900 BC|
|5 unnamed kings||circa 800 BC|
|Eriba-Marduk||769 - 761 BC|
|Nabu-šuma-iškun||761 - 748 BC|
|Nabonassar (Nabu-nasir)||748 - 734 BC||Contemporary of Tiglath-Pileser III|
|Nabu-nadin-zeri||734 - 732 BC|
|Nabu-šuma-ukin II||732 BC|
The Assyrian empire rises to become the dominant power in the ancient Near East for over two centuries. This occurs despite the efforts of various other strong groups that existed in this period, including Babylon, Urartu, Damascus, Elam, and Egypt. [ 44 ] [ 45 ] [ 46 ]
|Adad-nirari II||912 – 891 BC|
|Tukulti-Ninurta II||890 – 884 BC||Son of Adad-nirari II|
|Assur-nasir-pal II||883 – 859 BC||Son of Tukulti-Ninurta II|
|Shalmaneser III||858 – 824 BC||Battle of Qarqar|
|Shamshi-Adad V||823 – 811 BC||Treaty with Marduk-zakir-sumi I of Babylon|
|Adad-nirari III||810 – 783 BC||Regent Shammu-ramat|
|Shalmaneser IV||782 – 773 BC||Son of Adad-nirari III|
|Ashur-Dan III||772 – 755 BC||Eclipse on June 15 763 BC|
|Ashur-nirari V||754 – 745 BC|
|Tiglath-Pileser III||744 – 727 BC||Contemporary of Nabonassar of Babylon|
|Shalmaneser V||726 – 722 BC||Contemporary of Rusas I of Urartu|
|Sargon II||721 – 705 BC||Contemporary of Marduk-apla-iddina II of Babylon|
|Sennacherib||704 – 681 BC||Contemporary of Shutruk-Nahhunte II of Elam|
|Esarhaddon||680 – 669 BC||Contemporary of Pharaoh Taharqa of Egypt|
|Assurbanipal||668 – 631 BC|
Dynasties X of Babylon (Assyrian):
Babylon was under the direct control of Neo-Assyrian rulers or their appointed governors for much of this period.
|Nabu-mukin-zeri of Assyria||732 - 729 BC|
|Tiglath-Pileser III of Assyria||729 - 727 BC|
|Shalmaneser V of Assyria||727 - 722 BC|
|Marduk-apla-iddina II||722 - 710 BC|
|Sargon II of Assyria||710 - 705 BC|
|Sennacherib of Assyria||705 - 703 BC|
|Marduk-zakir-shumi II||703 BC|
|Marduk-apla-iddina II||703 BC|
|Bel-ibni||703 - 700 BC||Assyrian appointed governor|
|Ashur-nadin-shumi||700 - 694 BC||Son of Sennacherib of Assyria|
|Nergal-ushezib||694 - 693 BC|
|Mushezib-Marduk||693 - 689 BC|
|Sennacherib of Assyria||689 - 681 BC|
|Esarhaddon of Assyria||681 - 669 BC|
|Shamash-shum-ukin||668 - 648 BC||Son of Esarhaddon of Assyria|
|Kandalanu||648 - 627 BC|
|Sinsharishkun||ca. 627 - 620 BC||Son of Assurbanipal of Assyria|
For times after Assurbanipal (died 627 BC), see:
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